FLASH
Shkruar nga Akin Nazli
Erdogan is able to seize the opposition party or dismiss or imprison an official. Last month Ozgur Ozel was physically attacked. His predecessor Kilicdaroglu was also attacked...
An indictment for irregularities in the 38th general congress of the Republican People's Party (CHP), the main opposition in Turkey, has been filed with the High Criminal Court by the 28th Criminal Court of First Instance in Ankara, the government-run Anadolu Agency news agency reported.
The lawsuits and court cases being discussed have nothing to do with the law. And the question that arises is whether, through the ongoing legal processes, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is aiming to take control of the CHP or not.
On June 3, the 28th Criminal Court accepted the indictment filed by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office. The High Criminal Court must now decide whether the suspects named in the indictment committed bribery.
INDICTMENT
Twelve people, including Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu (who served as the chairman of the congressional council), Izmir Mayor Cemil Tugay, CHP Istanbul Chairman Ozgur Celik, Baki Aydoner, Erkan Aydin, Huseyin Yasar, Mehmet Kilincaslan, Metin Guzelkaya, Ozgen Nama, Ozgur Celik, Riza Akpolat and Serhat Cangging, are accused of voting.
CHP leader Ozgur Ozel and eight other MPs are not included in the indictment, as they enjoy legal immunity. To allow the trials of the lawmakers, parliament must clear the way with a vote.
Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the former CHP chairman who was succeeded by Ozel, and Lutfu Savas, the former mayor of Hatay province, are plaintiffs in the indictment.
The party to be captured
The lawsuit detailed above is not the only court action regarding the congress.
The case is based on a criminal complaint against individuals accused of committing a crime. The 42nd Civil Court of First Instance has held a trial for the annulment of the congress. This case is based on the declaration filed by Savas and three other delegates.
On May 26, the 42nd Civil Court held its second hearing. The third hearing is scheduled for June 30.
It is thought that the court will not issue a final decision on June 30 and another hearing will be held after the summer break.
Thus, the court is keeping open the possibility of a seizure of the CHP that could be executed in the fall (around November). A seizure would mean the return of Kilicdaroglu to the leadership of the CHP.
Tensions at CHP
Imamoglu's representatives in the media have pressured Kilicdaroglu to openly declare that he would not take the post if a court ruling gave him the opportunity. However, Kilicdaroglu is avoiding such an open statement.
This stance is creating tensions within the CHP, and creating tensions within the CHP is the main purpose of the lawsuits in question.
Two years suspension
On June 3, Alican Uludag, an Ankara-based journalist who has been closely following the cases in question, wrote in X that the civil court must now await the criminal court's decision.
Therefore, the decision to cancel the congress will await the conclusion of the criminal court trial. Uludag expects the criminal court trial (a local court ruling, an appeals court ruling, and a final Supreme Court ruling) to last at least two years.
So, this would mean that there will be no party confiscation in the next two years.
June 30 remains a critical point in the course of the civil trial. At that hearing or before that hearing, the court will issue its decision on whether or not to continue the trial or await the outcome of the criminal court.
What is all this about?
At the CHP congress, held in November 2023, Ozgur Ozel won the mayoral election, defeating his rival Kilicdaroglu.
After the congress, Kilicdaroglu circulated allegations that Istanbul Mayor Imamoglu bribed delegates to vote for Özel.
In March of this year, Savash filed a lawsuit to have the congress canceled, making similar allegations. Both separate indictments are based on Savash's statement.
Who is Lutfu Savash?
In the 2009 local elections, Savas was the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) candidate in Antakya, the main central district in Hatay province. He served as the AKP's mayor of Antakya until 2014.
In 2014, he joined the CHP and served as the mayor of Hatay Metropolitan Municipality until 2024.
In February 2023, catastrophic earthquakes devastated Hatay. Savas secured building permits for most of the buildings that collapsed.
In the March 2024 local elections, Ozel nominated Savash as the CHP candidate for Hatay, despite a ruckus caused by CHP voters. Savash lost the election to the AKP candidate.
In October 2024, Savas accused the CHP leadership of partnering with the pro-Kurdish DEM Party. In December 2024, the CHP revoked Savas's membership in the party. Savas's lawsuit came three months later. This had comedic value created by the coalition announcing in February that Erdogan's ruling regime and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) were cooperating.
What now?
The congressional cases are not the only legal issues targeting the CHP. There are dozens of different legal issues targeting CHP officials. They serve as swords of Damocles hanging over their heads.
Në çdo kohë, Erdogan është në gjendje të kapë partinë opozitare ose të shkarkojë ose burgosë një zyrtar. Muajin e kaluar Ozgur Ozel u sulmua fizikisht. Paraardhësi i tij Kilicdaroglu u sulmua gjithashtu .
Të gjithë duhet të dinë të jenë të zgjuar me lëvizjet e këmbëve ndërsa luajnë në fushën e caktuar për kundërshtarin e kontrolluar. Ata mund të ndajnë në çdo kohë fatin e Imamoglut dhe të tjerëve të hedhur në burg.
Në përgjigje të këtij realiteti, CHP zgjedh të veprojë sikur gjithçka është normale. Turqit humbasin durimin për shkak të këmbënguljes së të ashtuquajturës opozitë kryesore për këtë qëndrim.
Pse CHP shërben si shimpanze e kundërshtarit në këtë cirk?
Duhet të kuptohet se CHP është një ekonomi shumëmiliardëshe. Në vitin 2025, CHP mori 1.4 miliardë lira turke (TRY) (36 milionë dollarë) vetëm nëpërmjet grantit të Thesarit. Ajo ka shumë asete, të tilla si pasuri të paluajtshme me vlerë.
Për më tepër, CHP-ja mban në pronësi bashki që kanë buxhete të qeverisjes vendore prej shumë miliardë dollarësh, ndërsa deputetët e CHP-së, kryetarët e bashkive, zyrtarët në bordet e institucioneve publike dhe shumë të tjerë marrin paga nga shteti.
Refuzimi i rolit të djalit që fshikullon në këtë teatër do të thoshte refuzim i miliarda dollarëve. Kuadrot e CHP-së do të rebeloheshin dhe do të përmbysnin udhëheqjen e partisë nëse një veprim i tillë do të ishte në plan.
Dhënia e legjitimitetit të dukshëm
Çdo regjim në pushtet dëshiron një parti opozitare që mund ta mbajë në vijë, sepse për vëzhguesin e painformuar një opozitë e tillë i siguron regjimit legjitimitetin e nevojshëm. Miratimet e CHP-së për rezultatet e zgjedhjeve janë veçanërisht kritike për regjimin e Turqisë. CHP, në fakt, nuk ka qenë kurrë e turpshme kur bëhet fjalë për legjitimimin e rezultateve të zgjedhjeve të shpallura nga Erdogan dhe ndihmësit e tij. Megjithatë, Imamoglu e prishi lojën në zgjedhjet lokale të vitit 2019 duke e mposhtur dy herë kandidatin e Erdoganit, duke hedhur poshtë përpjekjet për t'i rrëmbyer fitoret gjatë këtij procesi. Siç e dimë, ai përfundimisht përfundoi në burg.
Bast përfundimtar: asnjë sekuestro e palës në të ardhmen e parashikueshme
Ky teatër mbetet në skenë. Një konfiskim i CHP-së ose, me fjalë të tjera, zëvendësimi i menaxhmentit aktual të CHP-së, nuk është diçka që mund të parashikohet në të ardhmen e afërt. Ja një djalë i mirë. Regjimi është i lumtur me Ozelin.
Pas ndalimit të Imamoglut më 19 mars, regjimi u frikësua nga protestat pasuese në rrugë. Ozel e zgjidhi problemin. Ai mbajti tubime të mëdha që, megjithatë, në analizë të fundit, mund të shihen si të kontrolluara. Ato nuk e kaluan vijën. Dhe, në ndihmë të pushtetarëve, ata i dhanë medias ndërkombëtare imazhe që sugjeronin se në të vërtetë ekziston një opozitë me njëfarë peshe në Turqi.
After being physically attacked, Ozel said he would respond to the threats by holding more large rallies. His statement could be taken as suggesting that the regime attacked him because it feared more such rallies and saw Ozel as a rebel against the regime. Or it could suggest something else - that Ozel knows the boundaries and limits of his playing field and promises to stay within them.
Without any keys in Kurdish politics
The attack on Ozel was carried out at the funeral of a DEM Party official. Since then, Ozel has not called for a halt to Kurdish cooperation with the regime, which has been evident since the PKK began cooperating with the ruling coalition. Surprisingly, the attack on Kilicdaroglu occurred at an event related to the “Kurdish issue.” It was the funeral of a Turkish official killed by the PKK. At the time, the regime was pointing to an alleged alliance between the CHP and the PKK (as mentioned above by Lutfu Savas). Now, things are the other way around. In both cases, the idea is that Kurds and “anti-Kurds” should not support the CHP. The regime occasionally gains the support of one party, while keeping the other party away from the CHP.
Once again, the problem solver
When the CHP joined the consumer boycott of companies considered pro-Erdogan, initiated by protesters demanding Imamoglu's release, the regime had a moment of panic. Ozel solved this problem too. The CHP joined the boycott for only one day. The one day passed and the boycott died down.
Erdogan has never been shy about expressing his delight with Ozel’s predecessor, Kilicdaroglu. And ahead of the 38th congress of the CHP party, both Erdogan and his junior ally in the ruling coalition, Devlet Bahceli, head of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), said openly that they would prefer Kilicdaroglu, but if someone were to replace him, they would prefer it to be Ozel. Bahceli calls Ozel “TipiTip,” a cartoon character developed for a chewing gum brand. /Adapted from Pamphlet by Intellnews /
Lini një Përgjigje