FLASH
Shkruar nga Preç Zogaj
Albania cannot be a small Russian or African island, while in continental Europe you cannot find a country where a single party wins power several legislatures in a row.
In the speech held in the Assembly of the SP a month ago, with the assurance that he will win not only the elections of 2025, but also those of 2029, that is, at least five secure mandates, Prime Minister Rama addressed to those present: "You will say: But why, how long will we stay in power, 50 years? But why not stay 100, who is stopping us, who is stopping us"?
Putting the question in this form, which is clearly not a question but a quibble from the top of the horse, makes the classic factors that produce the rotation of power in the entire democratic world unstable in Albania today and in the coming decades. Such as, among other things, the organic consumption of the government by the long government, the absolute corruption in the absolute power, the boredom of the citizens with the same party and the same faces in power for a long time. And above all, a reformed opposition that becomes a popular majority with free elections.
In fact, in the current situation, Albania does not have an opposition at the level of a threatening alternative to power, as the Democratic Party should have been, which believes that it can win without reforming and, moreover, by breaking the USA's noses. Great Britain and the West as a whole. As such, this opposition is the priceless asset on whose shoulders Rama has the opportunity to look the winner deep in time, like no other politician in the free world.
But the crisis of the opposition is not enough for his unbridled ambitions to stay in power for long, like the autocratic leaders in Russia, Belarus, or in some African countries, where there is formally pluralism, but no party threatens the dominant party in power.
Albania is a NATO country, it aspires to become part of the EU, there is a large amount of citizens in opposition to the government, who are currently the majority, but either they do not find themselves in the opposition parties, or they get lost in the tricks of the electoral system. Besides, it is not to say that the PD and other small opposition parties are not considering solutions up to sacrifices, I hope, that would lead to the unblocking of the crisis and their unification under a new leadership before the 2025 elections.
In these conditions, in order to avoid the costs of consumption, capillary corruption or the disgust of people with life expectancy outside the classical democratic norms of the government, Rama and his people have made a rare "invention", perhaps unparalleled in the free world. They have invented the party electoral register, which is not simply the register of membership, but of the voters they need to be the dominant party with the population that Albania has at the given moment.
This is the famous 800,000 square, which Rama raised to the sky even in this hot summer's Congress when he said: "We are not even one thousand, two thousand, we are eight hundred thousand people. Eight hundred thousand people who want to make Albania, want to make Albania"!
What about the others who are more than eight hundred thousand, do not want to become Albania? - as it implies by itself, even if the author did not have it in mind, this terrible sentence of a Leninist political sectarianism and eugenics alien to the democratic discourse.
The square of eight hundred thousand has in its core members and loyal voters of the SP. Actually they are many, SP is a big party. But it is not eight hundred thousand. The fixed square is filled with people from the inflated administration, who do not want to risk the benefits of the workplace, it is filled with other people without a party or with a party left on the streets, interested parties and hallelujans lured or converted by the carrot of power; it is filled by contingents of the underworld closely connected with the government at the central and local level, others.
The eight hundred thousand square is neither increased by the unprecedented successes that the government advertises, nor decreased by unprecedented government scandals and corruption.
Movements within the framework are kept under control and updated 'non-stop' with the mindset of keeping a political barracks under siege in every centimeter of it through the army of activists, patron-Nazis and central and local socialist officials of various levels. These enable name-by-name management of squad members, down to the smallest movements. These are informed in real time about deaths, departures, desertions and small rebellions, real or simulated for profit purposes. And they do their best to realize without wasting time the replacements with in-kind and out-of-kind material, with promises, with honor, through the promotion of political proselytism, that is, fleeing from opposition parties, given that "power is for everyone".
The square must always be full. As much as the prime minister of a small country needs in a country diminished by the unending hemorrhaging of people abroad. And here lies, among other things, the cynicism of this invention except: the square-barracks can be nominally managed, which is impossible in large countries, in free countries.
The eight hundred thousand square is the perfect illustration of the definition given to facade or rotten democracies where "an organized minority rules over a disorganized majority", as Solzhenitsyn said.
Quadrati-barracks is the guarantee of intransigence, lack of transparency and accountability from the government. Which, thanks to the square, knows that it will win again and again. How he did good, how he did bad.
The barracks are a guarantee of lawlessness on a large scale, up to massive illegal constructions in cities and coasts where crime in power and power in crime make the law.
As it exists and for the reasons that it exists, the square-barracks is the enemy of the freedom that anyone should have and exercise in his life without being conditioned by power or crime.
As it exists and for the reasons that the barracks square exists, it has its own influence on the endless flight of thousands and thousands of Albanians, mainly oppositionists, but also socialists who cannot bear to be part of the barracks, do not agree with the reminiscences of a hegemonic party in a Open Albania, which does not agree with any form of political segregation in the country, not even verbally; who do not want to be the evil of their brothers and sisters of other political colors.
After the promotion of crime in politics, what has resulted in the hostage taking for a long time to this day of dozens of towns and villages by individuals and drug trafficking groups, the 800,000 electorate, that tomorrow, depending on the flight of people can to subtract seven hundred thousand, is the other political invention of Edi Rama for which there will be a place in the bad part of history. Because statesmen remain in history not for the works built in their time (everyone builds with citizens' money, even dictators), but first of all for the traces they leave in state formation, in economic and cultural development, in the emancipation of society, and others.
Democracy, even ours, does not lack the means of self-defense against other than anti-democratic inventions. (It doesn't occur to me to think of a greedy and grotesque solution at the same time, when only Edi Rama's frame remains here). What remains are the relations with the American and European allies, who, after seeing that the square-barracks is something completely different from the normal electoral politics of a political party, will put their hands on their heads and react. Albania cannot be a small Russian or African island, while in continental Europe you cannot find a country where a single party wins power several legislatures in a row. Even where something like this rarely happens, as in Great Britain for example, the ruling parties themselves rotate the leadership within them.
It remains, however, the greatest asset of the people where they can prove their freedom: the secret chamber of votes. They have not removed it and they cannot remove it.
Lini një Përgjigje