FLASH
Shkruar nga Michael Murphy
Albanian migration was a priority due to its disproportionate involvement in organised crime. Newly compiled crime figures, released, reveal that Albanians are the most likely nationality to be arrested in Britain.
Gezimi, an Albanian who saw no future in his country, did what thousands before him had done: he paid a smuggler, crossed the Channel and checked into a taxpayer-funded hotel. Britain, always the land of opportunity, had work waiting – illegal, lucrative and dangerous enough to be worth it.
He became a cannabis farmer. In doing so, Gëzim (not his real name) provided a kind of public service: he is not just another immigrant, but an indictment of Britain's immigration system.
Criminals and law-abiding people alike respond to incentives. And time and again, the British state has rewarded those who game the system while punishing those who abide by the rules.
The cannabis trade in Britain, now dominated by Albanian gangs, is effectively subsidized by the state. Many of its workers overcome the hurdle of visas and citizenship, are given free housing and have enough free time to build criminal careers.
With a steady flow of cheap labor, Albanians have displaced Vietnamese – also arriving illegally – as the main suppliers of cannabis to Britain.
The lifeblood of this industry are workers like Gëzim. The UK appeals to them because its laws are easy to break. When Gëzim's cannabis farm was raided, he briefly tried legal construction work. But the wages were, in his words, "unbearable." So he left.
He is not an outsider. Asylum applications from Albania have fallen by 95 percent since their peak in 2022, when nearly 13,000 arrived in small boats. A 2023 cooperation agreement between Britain and Albania – combined with stricter enforcement and more than 2,600 deportations last year – drastically reduced the numbers. The campaign against illegal immigration appears to have deterred others from taking steps like Gëzim.
This is a rare success in an otherwise dismal history of immigration failures. And it was achieved not through broad Brussels policies, but through bilateral agreements and recognition that Albania is a safe country. This makes deportation legally simple.
The model works. Extend it to Afghan and Pakistani asylum seekers – the largest group of arrivals last year – and Britain could take a decisive step towards regaining control of its borders.
But stopping small boats is only half the battle. The real issue is not just how many are coming, but who they are.
Albanian migration has been a priority because of its disproportionate involvement in organised crime. Newly released crime figures reveal that Albanians are the most likely nationality to be arrested in Britain. This is followed by Afghans, Iraqis, Algerians, Congolese, Moroccans and Somalis. The availability of such data – dismissed as politically unhelpful – forces a fundamental review of our immigration policy.
Should Britain take a more proactive approach to migration from high-risk regions? If crime patterns can be predicted with reasonable certainty, then the state has a duty to act rather than forcing the public to bear the cost of its inaction.
Of course, most newcomers do not engage in serious crime. But we should not be blind to broader patterns. Those at higher risk of crime are also more likely to become net beneficiaries over the course of their lives of welfare and other public services. The economic burden is not an abstract concern – it is a tangible cost imposed on taxpayers.
Gëzim's story – now being publicized in Albania to discourage other young people from making the journey – should be a wake-up call for Britain as well.
However, human rights laws make it almost impossible to deport or refuse asylum seekers from countries deemed unsafe, often because they are poor, while protecting foreign criminals who make Britain less safe and prosperous from deportation. / Adapted Pamphlet from The Telegraph /
Lini një Përgjigje