FLASH
Shkruar nga Denis Dyrnjaja
Will there be a future for the Socialist Party as one of the two main forces in the country when there is nothing left except the membership and the all-powerful chairman. So, meetings, gatherings or forums with political thought have been replaced by competitions for servility and political flattery. There are endless cases that everyone aims to catch the eye of the chairman and this is clearly shown by the large halls of the party's political events where romantic glories have reached the petals of socialist flowers.
A panorama of diverse events is taking place in the current situation, mainly influenced by the action of justice. Some political figures may leave it, new ones may enter or appear. The parties are no longer what they were before, as a whole. Even the idea of a democratic development within them has almost been nullified and although it was previously almost a formality, it has remained so even for those political forces that still claim to have internal democracy.
In all parties, both traditional and mainstream, as well as new ones, there is no internal political life, in the sense of competition, real elections of leadership structures or leaders, different alternatives, currents and thoughts that keep the internal life of a political force alive. That is, that create the conditions for its renewal over time through competition through the values of the best as a group or individuals. The DP, as the first party to be attributed with changing the political system in Albania and introducing pluralism after the dictatorial system, never managed to rise to the levels of its mission, for which it was created and the values for which it was promoted.
The Democratic Party never became democratic as hundreds of thousands of Albanians dreamed of, who believed in the days and first months of December '90 that it would be the model of the party of the values of freedom and democracy. The DP succumbed to the model of autocracy, verbal violence and the brutal mentality of authoritarian oppression of the one, despite the efforts of a group of people within it to stick to the authoritarian and autocratic model that stemmed from the recent past of dictatorship and the ruling model of power by the leader.
Even the SP, which was the successor of the ALP, despite attempting to renew itself and completely change its approach by adapting to the new philosophy of democracy as a modern left, had only a temporary period of democracy within it, which, more than for the real values of the doctrine of democracy, was a competition to control the interests that stemmed from the material benefits of power, especially the corrupt ones (remember the famous KPD, when groups within the SP clashed, exposing each other's affairs and atrocities of power to the point of banality).
While on the right wing, which was claimed to be the ruling party, stood Berisha, on the left stood Fatos Nano. The former never held real elections in the party and the people in the DP never had the opportunity to recognize, accept and support without complexes anyone other than Berisha, because he would politically annihilate by any method the real opponents he thought threatened his throne, using blackmail, denigration, intrigues and all kinds of maneuvers to maintain power and absolute control of the party that little by little he turned into personal ownership, i.e. a kind of political LLC.
In the DP there have been votes, but never a real race that was not influenced by Berisha, so let's say that there have never been fair and uninfluenced, oriented or controlled elections. All the leaders of the DP registered in the Court were first notarized by Berisha and then went to court to be formalized as more honorary leaders than real leaders of this party. From Eduard Selami, to Tritan Shehu and to Lulzim Basha, all were favorites of Berisha, then of the party that formally made their choice. While in the SP the context of the race was somewhat different in the era of Fatos Nano also because of the currents and personalities that it itself had as a party that had a wider intellectual scope. Therefore, there the internal political struggle until Nano's political bankruptcy has revived. Then after the arrival of Rama, democracy in the SP also slowly disappeared. Everything was put in place under Rama's regime through a careful and well-thought-out control scheme, which, with its distinctly socialist model of side-parted hair and ironed pants, crushed any tendency to think differently.
The SP returned to its early origins, where the first secretary of the Party Central Committee, Enver Hoxha, knew and had knowledge, and therefore gave his opinion on everything. Urban planning, the economy, security, foreign policy, agriculture, energy, and so on in all sectors, so word by word, as was the legendary expression of the time. Edi Rama, a harsh critic of the Hoxha regime, with or without conscience, began to establish his hegemony in the SP. With his modern and controversial version of behavior, expression, and image, he broke the standard socialist templates and made Pandeli Majko, who is younger than him in age, look like a political pensioner in relation to Rama.
Pra tani pushteti ishte i gjithi në këmbët e liderit dy metrosh, dhe të tjerët ishin nënshtruar si liliputë politikë. Kush tentoi ta sfidojë për periudha të shkurtra kohe sot nuk është më në PS, ose është por ekziston si memec, ose si dikush që flet për veten e vet se aksush se dëgjon. Në fakt në aparancë Rama i dëgjon të gjithë, por në fund ai vendos atë që ka paravendosur kryesisht, ndonjëherë me ndonjë korrigjim a moderim të lehtë, sa për t’i lënë të kuptojnë edhe të tjerët se i dëgjon a përfill. Këtu nuk përfshihen intrigantët dhe intrigante, që gjejnë gjithnjë vend pranë udhëheqësit për t’i fituar atij simpatinë dhe natyrisht për t’i bërë ndonjë “kollare” pas shpine.
Ata kanë ekzistuar dhe do ekzistojnë gjithnjë. Janë soj më vete që gjenden në çdo kohë dhe pranë çdo sundimtari në pushtet. Mund të quhen edhe morrat e pushtetit këta që në fakt janë dhe parazitët prej të cilëve pushteti një ditë rrënohet aq shumë sa rrëzohet. E si këta rreth Ramës ka plot edhe pse ai mendon se i ka mentorë të zot. Ata/ato thjeshtë përdorim fuqinë e tij për buhavitjen e tyre personale financiare. Por kjo e këto për të gjithë në PS nuk kanë pikë rëndësie, për sa kohë janë në pushtet dhe këtë pushtet e prodhon mënyrë sesi Rama ka shtrënguar edhe partinë pas pëllëmbës se vet të madhe të dorës së fortë edhe qeverinë. Ndërkohë që nuk ka rëndësi as të flitet më për liri të brendshme mendimi e veprimi sa kohë ai është udhëheqësi fuqiplotë e i gjithëpushtetshëm prej të cilit PS mban prej 12 vjetësh pushtetin. Por disa pyetje lindin natyrshëm sepse dialektika dhe mosha biologjike asnjëherë nuk ndalin për askënd, sado i pushtetshëm qoftë ai.
Psh po pas Ramës çfarë vjen?! Kush vjen?! A do të ketë të ardhme PS si një nga dy forcat kryesore në vend kur aty nuk ka më asgjë përveç anëtarësisë dhe kryetarit fuqiplotë. Pra mbledhjet, takimet apo forumet me mendim politik i ka zëvendësuar gara për servilizëm dhe lëpirje politike. Rastet janë pa fund se të gjithë synojnë t’i bien në sy kryetarit dhe këtë e shfaqin dukshëm sallat e mëdha të eventeve politike të partisë ku lavdet romantike kanë arritur deri te petalet e luleve socialiste. Duartrokitjet vazhdojnë gjatë sa dhe pushteti i Ramës pa mbarim. Ai thotë tani shpesh se qëndon aty në krye të qeverisë dhe partisë së ka një mision: Të fusë Shqipërinë në BE. Kjo është e dobishme në dukje dhe një kauzë e fortë sa dhe e rëndësishme politike. Dhe këtë tani e dimë se po thuhet gjithnjë e më shpesh. Por ajo që nuk dihet është versioni i paparashikueshmërisë. Psh po sikur ky mision madhor të ndërpritet për një arsye të pacaktuar, të paparashikuar ose edhe të parashikuar. Psh qëllon që humbet zgjedhjet në mënyrë të papritur dhe të paimagjinuar, kjo prodhon shok politik dhe misioni dhe madhështia të nesërmen e disfatës bie. A do të vazhdojë njëjtë si Berisha dhe ai pastaj, sigurisht nëse do dojë do të vazhdojë se nuk ka kush ta konkurrojë apo sfidojë në parti?!
In the PS, all the living are dead and no one dares to think that they can appear in front of Rama, at least openly. Perhaps an unpleasant and unexpected surprise of justice could create new scenarios in the PS. A health impossibility as well, we are human and nothing is certain. So there are many hypotheses that raise the question of what is in the PS after the Rama era, what happens to this political force, what comes next and who could be the man who will continue to lead a party, which is now modeled after Rama's political drawing with a lead pencil but filled with oil paints.
Of course, all these questions today seem premature or even inappropriate. But then, when you least expect it, what you least expect comes. And considering the widespread adoration that Edi Rama enjoys today in power, I was wondering who these thousands of socialists who are now accustomed to a model that is neither normal, nor similar, nor repeatable will worship after him. A great enigma seems to be about what is expected, and an unreadable expectation is what will happen to Rama and his fate. Something is probably being played!
Lini një Përgjigje