FLASH
Shkruar nga Mero Baze
With this decision, the Berisha family becomes the first case where the two accused remain free thanks to the political battle against SPAK and GJKKO, for a case in which they should not have been arrested in advance.
The decision of the GJKKO to release Jamarbër Malltez from house arrest is a fair decision, which puts an end to the arbitrariness of preliminary arrest, but which sends a bad message about the standards with which persons with high political exposure are treated in Albania. With this decision, the Berisha family becomes the first case when the two accused remain free thanks to the political battle against SPAK and GJKKO, for a case in which they should not have been arrested beforehand.
But the release of both accused persons, for a criminal offense which is in fact a pure state capture and which we hope will be tried on its merits calmly, raises questions about the standards that the new justice system has established with persons accused of corruption in Albania and who, in order to prove political "balances", are put in prison beforehand.
Although I have no desire to defend Ilir Meta, as I myself am one of those who have raised serious suspicions about his corruption, his preliminary arrest for almost a year and the public disclosure of the case against him related to a credit card used by his ex-wife for expenses, is a spectacular case of failure not only for the investigations, but also for the measure of preliminary arrest for a man who has been president, prime minister and speaker of the parliament of Albania. The ability to investigate and convict Ilir Meta is not to arrest him once, keep him in a cell, drive him crazy and then find evidence along the way.
The same goes for Erion Veliaj. He has spent six months in prison, without any charges directly related to him for corruption, but under suspicion that businessmen who have helped a cultural foundation linked to his wife for charity may have obtained building permits from the Municipality of Tirana, while a building permit is a right and not a privilege, except in cases where it is abusive and in violation of the law.
Others previously arrested on corruption charges, such as Ilir Beqja or Arben Ahmetaj, are still under investigation, while their arrest warrants were issued a year and two years ago.
This is a clear repressive practice done to create the idea of a political punishment campaign, while SPAK's investigations have proven a profound lack of competence by failing to capture anything essential in their alleged corrupt stories and ending up all in property and travel investigations.
The inability to investigate this case has been covered up with repressive measures and political propaganda by the SPAK press office, and to feed the crowds to believe in popular justice. Justice itself is not aimed at physical suffering in prison, but at punishing crime and corruption, especially in the cases of high-profile political figures. A former president or former prime minister is embarrassed by the fact that he is found guilty of corruption or political murder, and not by days in prison in advance.
SPAK cannot cover up its failures by using the press office like Goebbels did Hitler's communiqués, and by inventing stories to please the people who are punishing the enemies. SPAK must bring to court evidence that punishes the abusers, not flashbulbs to please the people.
In this regard, the release of Arbër Malltez is a decision that should have been made in time, but not at this cost.
SPAK and GJKKO have produced more politics than justice in this case, making the Berisha family the first political family that is winning the battle with justice not with a lawyer but with a political movement in the streets.
This creates a bad precedent for the Albanian judiciary, which in an attempt to appear distanced from politics, is actually producing more politics and politicization of justice than when it was truly accused of having ties to politics.
The current balance of the new justice system is catastrophic. It is now regrettable that Sali Berisha and Jamarbër Malltezi, who are accused of state capture and money laundering, are free, while ordinary people accused of undeclaring income or even more ridiculous charges are still in prison. More precisely, people with high political profiles like Meta, Veliaj, Beqja or Ahmetaj should now be considered prisoners because they have not sufficiently politically defended their parties.
And this is the heaviest cost that SPAK with its repressive demands and GJKKO with their notary are creating for the Justice Reform as a failed justice system.
Now the only thing that is clear is that if he starts a political battle, if he curses Dumani or Irena Gjoka, the court will surrender and do what it should have done on the first day of the court session with Sali Berisha and his son-in-law in this case, as they are being investigated for a matter that they no longer have anything to hide, while they are still going around about January 21 and Gërdec, pretending not to realize that these are pure crimes of murder and major corruption by the ruling family.
By producing more politics than justice with their repressive decisions and inability to investigate deeply, SPAK and GJKKO are in fact leading to failure precisely the main objective of the Justice Reform, which is not formal distance from politics, but producing justice and not politics.
Lini një Përgjigje