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Aktualitet2024-12-09 11:31:00

Romeo Kara: Berisha instrument of Ramiz Ali, evidence of how he manipulated the student revolt of 1990

Shkruar nga Pamfleti

Romeo Kara: Berisha instrument of Ramiz Ali, evidence of how he manipulated the

The well-known lawyer, Romeo Kara, has commented on the political situation in the country, while he has made strong accusations against the leader of the DP, Sali Berisha.

Yesterday, Albania commemorated December 8, 1990, the student movement that brought about the fall of communism. Romeo Kara says this is a manipulation of the December 1990 student movement, revealing that it was not a spontaneous student revolt, but an orchestrated strategy by the Labor Party and Ramiz Alia to use the revolts to purge the former power. Kara says that Sali Berisha, who today considers himself the "leader" of that movement, joined it only after its explosion, giving himself a role he didn't have.

He describes it as the manipulated product of the Labor Party, an instrument of Ramiz Ali who used the students to create a new political force that would quickly transition Albania from a dictatorship to another regime, always permeated by vested interests. narrow circle of the political elite. For Mr. Kara, meanwhile, the story of December 8 is a bitter tale of the manipulation of student idealism and the failure of the movement, which would later produce a Democratic Party filled with ex-communists simply seeking to retain power.

In conclusion, the lawyer Kara expresses his deep disappointment in the way the story of December '90 has been treated, stressing that the revolt of the students and the Albanian people has been used for personal and political purposes, destroying the hopes and dreams of an entire generation. for a fair and free Albania.

- Mr. Kara, yesterday was commemorated on December 8, 1990, when the student movement for the overthrow of the communist system began. What happened on December 8 and is it true that that movement was orchestrated by the Labor Party and Ramiz Alia?

We must erase the passage of time with accurate facts, evidence and analysis so that this very important moment in Albania's history becomes clearly known not only to every Albanian, but also to every foreigner who is interested in our truths. It is precisely this historic moment that is manipulated every time the opportunity is given, not conveying the truth, and deprives us of any possibility of correction in the right moves in the future. History always serves the future, which is projected precisely only by it.

- Did we have an inspiring leader before this movement, who became the encourager in killing fear and enlightening minds, or the right determiner for the steps to be taken?

Of course not. The economic instability, which was felt more than anyone by the students, who had become an unbearable burden on their families, the dismantling of the meritocracy and the banning by law of the main political freedoms, culminated in that December, were inspired by the events in Eastern Europe, especially from the end of Ceausescu in Romania and, in particular, from the events of July 2, 1990, events which few take into consideration. So fear had begun to die and we didn't need heroes to descend from the sky to free us from the shackles of fear and dictatorship.

We were experiencing the end of the dictatorship and this experience turned into a revolt, which broke out without coordination and without leadership. Whoever put decorations on himself, let him have the "honor" to explain to us today why we are where we are. Analyzing the events today, I say with conviction that Ramizi and his party very successfully cooked up the failure of the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat, giving us the motive of the movement and interfering as much as he could in it, unfortunately with fatal consequences for him. The movement was born out of pure student revolt, but it and its first product, the Democratic Party, were soon manipulated. Shamelessly, that movement and this party are attributed to Sali Berisha, who, for the sake of truth, joined that movement after it exploded, bringing us Ramiz's pardons and accolades for him and his command of partisan brigades all the way to Yugoslavia .

Unfortunately, because of him, after the statutory coup carried out with co-optations and behind the scenes, PD slipped from an idealistic student creature into an organization of meager interests, worthy only to hold hostage the future, the solution of historical injustices and the re-establishment of the entire Albanian nation. Our dreams, hopes, faith and everything else that gives dignity to the human being were killed. Our freedoms and rights have had to be bought for over 30 years, after we allowed the installation of the most extreme injustice in Europe. It is from this product of today that December '90 must be analyzed and it must be said clearly and with full mouth that: unfortunately we failed, we knew where we were running from and we did not know where we were going, we did not continue the confrontation and, moreover, we allowed the alienation of everything before our eyes. Exactly this alienation of this movement, where the former communists became its real masters, best proves that the orchestration of Ramiz and the Labor Party was fatal for this movement.

Pabesueshmërisht, produkti kryesor i kësaj lëvizjeje ra pa kthim nën thundrën e komunistit me kartën e PP me numër 108690 të datës 8 nëntor 1968. Analizoni një nga një figurat e kësaj Anti-PD për të parë se si shumica e tyre garoi kundër PD të vitit ‘91 dhe iu bashkëngjitën asaj pasi ajo erdhi në pushtet. Çdokush e kupton çfarë do të thotë kjo dukuri. Analizoni të paktën vetëm një rast: Fahri Balliun, dhe pikërisht rasti i tij do t’ju çojë tek thelbi i padiskutueshëm. Analizoni çfarë bënë së bashku me PP: ligjin 7501, ligjin e mbajtjes peng të këtij sistemi që duam të ndërtojmë dhe të gjithë formalizimin e ekonomisë së vendit dhe garantimin e investimeve. Janë pafund faktet që flasin për të vërtetat historike, larg retorikave politike.

-Çfarë mendimi keni për liderët e lëvizjes së dhjetorit, sidomos për Azem Hajdarin dhe Sali Berishën?

Për të parin do të veçoja intuitivitetin e lindur dhe pjekurinë e të kuptuarit me kohë se, në krah kishte një kundërshtar më të rrezikshëm se Ramizi. Për të dytin do të them se ai ishte dhe mbetet mallkimi i fundit i Ramizit për ne, litari jashtë i tij, fatkeqësia e madhe e Shqipërisë dhe sfida e vërtetë e idealeve të Dhjetorit ‘90. Pikërisht kjo e fundit më ka vendosur personalisht tërësisht përballë tij. Me sa duket, Dhjetori ‘90 akoma nuk ka mbaruar.

-Ish-presidenti Ilir Meta vijon sulmet ndaj Prokurorisë së Posaçme (SPAK) dhe ndërkohë mbështetësit e tij kanë protestuar para godinës së SPAK. Çfarë mendoni për këto veprime dhe mesazhin që ata kërkojnë të dërgojnë për sistemin e drejtësisë në vend?

Janë sulme bajate, por dhe të rrezikshme njëkohësisht, pasi guxojnë të mendojnë se ata kanë forcën t’i imponohen organeve të drejtësisë dhe ta mbajnë akoma peng pavarësinë e saj. Pikërisht sulmet dhe protestat kundër drejtësisë jo vetëm duhet goditur publikisht si antikombëtare, por edhe të ndalohen ligjërisht. Këto sulme frenojnë punën e organit të akuzës dhe inkurajojnë krimin dhe korrupsionin që duket qartë nga SKY ECC se në çfarë niveli është. Këto janë sulme të paprincipta anti-institucionale, që synojnë mosrealizimin e reformës në drejtësi dhe pavarësinë e saj, frenimin e hetimeve ndaj Metës dhe pushimin e çështjeve ndaj tij.

-A mendoni se këto kërcënime dhe veprime kanë një ndikim real në funksionimin e SPAK? Cilat mund të jenë synimet e Ilir Metës me këto reagime?

Agjentët e BKH-së kanë sekuestruar telefonin e Ajola Xoxës, bashkëshortes së kryetarit të Bashkisë Tiranë, Erion Veliaj, dhe pati kontroll në një studio. Çfarë mund të tregojë ky veprim për hetimet që po zhvillohen për pasurinë e Erion Veliajt dhe familjarëve të tij? Thjesht dhe qartë, që SPAK-u po ecën drejt një rritje jo vetëm të kapacitetit dhe përvojës, por edhe të personalitetit të tij. Shumë shpejt, përballë tij nuk do të ketë asnjë mollë të ndaluar. Ka filluar shembja e idhujve, të cilët kanë menduar se janë mbi ligjin apo vetë ligji.

I do not prejudge the continuation of the investigations related to the case nor its conclusion, but I appreciate the confrontation and work of SPAK, conveying the message that they are no longer intimidated and do not receive messages-orders from politics. These actions show that we have reasonable suspicions to suspect and investigate Veliaj's wealth, and precisely these suspicions have arisen from several investigations and must be fully clarified by several other ongoing investigations, where of course the confiscation of the phone is part of it. I encourage SPAK to pursue any investigation it deems necessary and reasonable.

- How do you see the impact of these investigations on the political image of Erion Veliaj, since the latter is seen as the successor of Edi Rama?

Legally, we have to wait how the process will go until the declaration of guilt or not, if we had a sending of the case for trial in advance. Politically, it has been a while since the cult of the individual planted by Veliaj for himself has fallen, as long as we have said why the affairs of the municipality do not have a head, as do its successes. Whoever took the successes to raise his own cult and not the institution's, should also take the losses, even if they are only political and no longer legal. Regarding Rama's successor in the SP, I have to say that Rama does not allow him to do mercy forever, that's why they were wrong to challenge him in his way. Inheritance is given, not taken. Merit is earned, not begged.

-How do you think the justice system is working in Albania in this complicated period, especially when it comes to senior politicians like Berisha and Meta?

I believe that we need faster steps towards the complete cleaning of the system, its encouragement, stronger cooperation with other state institutions, strict procedural implementation, orientation towards independence and especially strengthening the integrity of the system itself. I believe that they should see the confrontation with politics as a challenge and not as a fatality, as a mandatory challenge, the passing of which would be the real reform or its main test.

-Is Albania ready to have an independent and powerful judiciary that can investigate politicians who until yesterday considered themselves inviolable?

Definitely not. "Ready" in is what cannot be thought. The fact that politics is in a complete anti-reform bazaar, best shows that it is precisely this that confirms that justice is being set against it, or that an independent justice system is destined to be set against it. We just have to believe and hope. I believe and hope./TODAY

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