FLASH
Shkruar nga Alexandra Voudouri
Mellon's immigration strategy seems to please not only European politicians - who are worried about the further strengthening of the far right in their countries - but also European institutions, which turned a blind eye to her controversial deal with Albania!
No one seemed particularly surprised by the clear signal sent by centre-right European People's Party (EPP) candidate Ursula von der Leyen last Monday to work with the far-right Conservative and Reform Party (ECR) after European elections.
The "openness" to the European political "family" of Georgia Meloni's party, the Brothers of Italy (FdI), had been hinted at for a long time by Von der Leyen and was simply confirmed during the first debate between the heads of the political candidate groups. for the chairmanship of the Commission. Prompted by a direct question from Greens candidate Bas Eykout, von der Leyen said that possible cooperation "depends a lot on the composition of the European Parliament and who is in which group".
In addition, both she and the EPP have long been quick to establish the red lines of their post-election cooperation with other parties: they must be in favor of NATO, the EU, Ukraine and the state of right.
The Eurogroup of Conservatives and Reformists includes hard-right, Eurosceptic parties such as Polish Law and Justice (PiS) – which has led to the regression of the rule of law in Poland and caused a direct rift with Brussels – the Spanish right-wing party Vox, the nationalist party of the Swedish Democrats, while recently the Reconquête of the infamous French far-right Eric Zemur joined.
Therefore, the red lines set by the EPP for post-election cooperation seem to mainly "photograph" Italy's ruling FdI party and its leader Giorgia Meloni. Elizabeth Kuiper, deputy director of the European Policy Center (EPC) in Brussels agrees with this "reading". "Although not everyone within the EPP is in favor of such a perspective, the European centre-right party has long sought to work with some ECR parties. "Cooperation will become more important after the elections, as von der Leyen may need the ECR's votes to secure a second term in the Commission, " he notes.
"European realism"
Until the time of her election by the European Parliament arrives, the necessary approval of von der Leyen's candidacy by the European Council will precede. The EPP candidate seems to be betting on the support of the Italian prime minister, who has already appeared - apparently - as the regulator of the next five-year European cycle, both in terms of the selection of the persons of the EU institutions as well as in the scope of their politics.
And not by chance, as Georgia Meloni has conquered the "title" of reliable partner, from Brussels and Paris to Washington and Kiev. Reports in the foreign press warning Brussels of an outright break with Rome due to the rise to power of the far-right neo-fascist politician now seem far-fetched. Meloni won the elections in 2022 promising a "real confrontation" with global institutions like the EU, but also that "Italy's voice will be heard loudly in Brussels".
In the latter, of course, he succeeded, as he not only did not clash with the institutions, but played "all the European cards properly", Italian analysts admit, while there are now few who directly characterize him as neo-fascist or right-wing .
Her strategy, however, was drawn up long before she took the "reins" of Italy, says Enrico Borghetto, associate professor of political science at the University of Florence.
"Meloni began to gain the trust of European partners as early as 2018, when she announced her entry into the ECR, in order to distinguish her party from hard-line anti-European parties such as Le Pen's National Alarm or Alternative for Germany . AfD) The choice also meant a more moderate attitude towards the EU, which some appreciate as "European realism". This attitude was confirmed in 2022, when the then-elected Meloni chose Brussels as her first trip. official abroad".
"Since then, she has slowly emerged as a privileged interlocutor of Joe Biden, but more recently of the liberal Emmanuel Macron. This is mainly due to her support for NATO and Ukraine, and more specifically the way she convinced "Viktor Orbán supported the EU's proposal for the financial support of Ukraine at the European Council, last February ," emphasizes Elizabeth Kuiper.
Megjithatë, ajo që ka arritur qartësisht kryeministrja 46-vjeçare italiane është të “diktojë” politikën e BE-së në emigracion. Një bërthamë kryesore e strategjisë së saj – siç theksohet nga Enrico Borghetto – është projekti prej 5.5 miliardë eurosh i quajtur “Matei” – për shkak të themeluesit të gjigantit të energjisë Eni, Enrico Mattei. Projekti u prezantua në një samit Itali-Afrikë në Romë janarin e kaluar, me qëllim ofrimin e projekteve zhvillimore dhe lidhjen e vendeve afrikane me projekte energjetike, të cilat mund të hyjnë në listën e projekteve evropiane. “Kontribut i rëndësishëm” për marrëdhëniet BE-Afrikë, e quajti Ursula von der Leyen takimin, duke bërë “një sy qorr” ndaj Melonit për nismën, e cila siguron një objektiv të dyfishtë evropian: zhvillimin e investimeve në vendet afrikane dhe lidhjen e tyre përmes projekteve energjetike me BE-në.
Ajo jo vetëm që nuk u përplas me institucionet, por i luajti “si duhet të gjitha letrat europiane”, pranojnë analistët italianë, ndërkohë që tashmë janë të paktë ata që e karakterizojnë drejtpërdrejt si neofashiste apo të ekstremit të djathtë.
Megjithatë, plani "ambicioz" bazohej në marrëveshjet për menaxhimin e emigracionit, që presidenti i Komisionit siguroi për kryeministrin italian, si me Tunizinë ashtu edhe me Egjiptin, të cilat në thelb - si plani Mattei - kanë për qëllim kufizimin e flukseve migratore drejt Italisë dhe Evropës.
Strategjia e Melonit për imigracionin duket se kënaq jo vetëm politikanët evropianë - të cilët janë të shqetësuar për forcimin e mëtejshëm të së djathtës ekstreme në vendet e tyre - por edhe institucionet evropiane, të cilat mbyllën një "sy" ndaj marrëveshjes së saj të diskutueshme me Shqipërinë - e cila siguron një procedurë për dhënien e azil nga një vend joanëtarë i BE-së, i cili më pas do të përdoret për riatdhesimin e refugjatëve.
Përafrimi i Melonit me BE-në.
“Ajo udhëhiqet nga një pragmatizëm, për faktin se Italia ka shumë nevojë për mbështetje nga Brukseli në lidhje me Fondin e Rimëkëmbjes”, vëren Enrico Borghetto. Së bashku me Spanjën, Italia është një nga “përfituesit” kryesorë të Fondit, nga ku pritet të marrë mbi 200 miliardë euro.
Megjithatë, “bllokimi” i reformave të tjera jo gjithmonë gëzon miratimin e partnerëve. “Për shembull, refuzimi për të rënë dakord për evolucionin e ESM-së ose votimi i fundit kundër Paktit të Stabilitetit dhe Rritjes nga IHD-të në Parlamentin Evropian parashikojnë konflikte të mundshme me BE-në në të ardhmen”, thekson analisti politik italian.
Nga ana e tij, Leo Goretti, kreu i programit të politikës së jashtme italiane "Istituto Affari Internazionali" (IAI) në Romë, beson se në lidhje me "reformën më kritike të viteve të fundit për BE-në, Pakti i Stabilitetit, Qëndrimi i Romës vë në pikëpyetje nëse politika evropiane e qeverisë është efektive”.
"E moderuar dhe realiste"
This seems to matter little to Italian voters, as the "image" they have of Meloni's role at the European level is always compared to other right-wing prime ministers - such as Silvio Berlusconi - and is therefore rightly perceived "as moderate and realistic," says Enrico Borghetto. After all, it is still quite popular. This largely explains her choice to be the main FDI candidate in the European elections throughout the Italian territory.
Giorgia Meloni made it clear that she is running as a candidate to "test" the approval of the Italian people in her person. Since she is quite popular – perhaps more so than her party – she will probably increase the ratings to consolidate her lead over the other two government partners ”, notes Leo Goretti.
In any case, all three of Italy's governing parties, apart from Meloni's FdI, Antonio Tajani's centre-right Forza Italia and Matteo Salvini's far-right League, will have increased influence in the next European Parliament, as are members of European parties and according to the latest polls - they will be strengthened in the European elections. The EPP will remain the first force, which means that Forza Italia will belong to the winners, the far-right ID, of which the League is a part, could emerge as the third force, while the ECR could displace the Liberals (Renew) in fifth place.
Leo Goretti believes, however, that "although there have been some rumors about a new right-wing coalition in the past year, in reality the alliances in the European Parliament will be redefined after June 9", while everyone's personal ambitions will play an important role. Von der Leyen knows this "game" very well, who does not forget that she was elected in 2019 with only nine votes. The question is whether her "best friend" Georgia Meloni will be confirmed when she already predicts that her political family "will play a central role in changing European policies"./ Adapted "Pamphlet" from " Kathimerini "
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