FLASH
Shkruar nga Pamfleti
Deadlocks within the Palestinians, intense factional disputes in the Palestinian Authority, the strengthening of Hamas ideology since the Gaza war, and the radicalization of Palestinians in the West Bank as well, constitute a real puzzle as to who will take over the administration and management of the Gaza Strip, with aimed at creating security conditions for the resumption of talks.
The lack of a reliable interlocutor on the Palestinian side emerges as the biggest problem for the Americans and the Arabs who have taken a leading role in the current crisis, since while rejecting a new Israeli occupation of Gaza, they have yet to formulate an alternative solution that does not it will leave Gaza to continue to be a "black hole" in the region and a bomb ready to explode.
The Palestinian Authority, the legal representative of the Palestinians that was created by the Oslo Accords (1993) and could officially take control of Gaza, is presented as divided, completely weakened and with a diminished influence over the Palestinians, also under the responsibility of its president , Mahmoud Abbas.
But even in Hamas, the leaders of the armed units in Gaza, who are fighting in every way for their survival, show no inclination to compromise with Israel, contrary to the more political messages that the head of the political bureau of the organization, Ismail Haniyeh is trying to send that of course lives in the comfort of Qatar.
Calls are already being heard from both the US and Arab countries for the need to rebuild the Palestinian Authority so that it can take on the difficult task of rebuilding and managing Gaza and then lead efforts to restart peace talks. The Palestinian Authority ruled Gaza until 2007 when it was ousted by Hamas which also won elections in 2006. Until then Ismail Haniyeh served as prime minister in the Palestinian Authority under Abbas.
The Palestinian Authority has found itself at the mercy of Abbas, who at the age of 87 and after 18 years in the presidency of the Palestinian Authority tries in every way, adopting totally authoritarian methods, to control the government, which has evolved into a corrupt Authority of appropriation of the billions of dollars it has received in recent years from both Israel and the international community.
Abbas and his inner circle have surely annulled the elections
Two years ago Abbas arbitrarily imposed a change in the composition of the Supreme Court by prematurely recalling 40 judges tasked with checking the executive branch and appointing a close associate of his as president.
The reason for this authoritarian intervention was not only to strengthen his position and to act in an uncontrolled manner, but because according to the Palestinian constitution, in case of death, the speaker of the parliament takes over the duties of the president, who nevertheless suspended his work in in 2007 by Abbas's decision (and after Hamas's victory in Gaza) and finally dissolved in 2018. There was a risk that an unchecked Supreme Court would assign the presidency of the Palestinian Authority to a Hamas official, or someone else, while now will be able to choose someone from his inner circle as Abbas's successor.
During Amba's long tenure, the Palestinian Authority evolved into a weakened, corrupt and inefficient entity, which in its current form is difficult to meet the demands of both restoring normality to the West Bank, but mainly for reconstruction and administration. of Gaza if Israel achieves its goal of rooting out Hamas.
The PA survives simply because it is the only tender of money in the ruined economy of Judea and Samaria and is the employer of a "public sector" of 30,000 civil servants and security personnel, while 65% of its budget comes from Israel from the taxes they imposed on workers and products.
Abbas throughout these years has excluded and neutralized all those who could challenge his leadership. His successors from his inner circle today are presented by the head of the intelligence services, General Faraj, who controls the security sector in the West Bank and from his position has contacts with Israel, and Al Sheikh, who is in charge. for the political and economic management of the Palestinian Authority. He also has contacts with Israel, even speaks Hebrew and is a fanatical opponent of Hamas. However, their influence is small as many Palestinians consider them "collaborators of the occupier".
Marwan Barghouti is the most popular Palestinian politician, but has been imprisoned for life in Israeli prisons since 2001. Leader of the first and second Palestinian Intifada, opponent of Arafat, considered the founder of the "Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade " was convicted of a series of murders by the organization between them and the Orthodox monk Tsibouktsakis. Hamas negotiated his release several times but Israel rejected any such deal. In 2005, he tried to run for the presidency of the PA after the death of Arafat, but the nomination was rejected and thus M. Abbas won the electoral battle.
His cousin Marwan Barghouti, a doctor by profession, Mustafa Barghouti, projects as the most moderate voice on the Palestinian political scene. The head of the RNI movement with which he was a candidate in the 2005 elections, but received 19% of the vote against Abbas and was a supporter of "peaceful resistance to the occupation", but he too has no particular appeal among Palestinians.
Mohammed Dalan served as head of security forces in Gaza and was accused of failing to protect the area. When he returned to the West Bank in 2010, he confronted Abbas, resulting in his prosecution and self-imposed exile in the United Arab Emirates. There he has emerged as a powerful factor as he is an adviser on Islamic terrorism issues to the leader of the United Arab Emirates Mohammed bin Zayed, talks with the president of Egypt Al Sisi, has channels of communication with Israel and has a strong influence on the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank also manages the large funds that the UAE provides to support them.
Arafat's nephew Nasser Al Qudwa served and as a minister in the PA was removed from Fatah EC in 2021 after he collaborated with Barghouti in a joint political move to challenge Abbas. Now Arafat's grandson, who communicates with Israel and Arab countries, is closer to Dalan.
The continuation of the internal crisis in the PA and efforts to represent the Palestinians will leave room for the Hamas "ideology" to regroup not only in Gaza, but also in the West Bank, which already has strong bases in Jenin and Nablus.
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