FLASH
Shkruar nga Emin Azemi
The old political elite functions as a caste of clerics of a geopolitical religion, who promise a future paradise only so that ordinary believers do not notice the consequences of strategic-partisan breakdowns. Consequently, the question that is posed to civil society, the media, and those who aim to represent the new political elite is no longer "what should we do," but "how should we dare." The historical mission of the new generation of intellectuals is not to become the next interpreters of the leader's desires, but to become the voice of the internal needs of this people and of the radical transformation of the party-political mindset.
To break the spell of the elite discourses coming from the headquarters of the old parties, free thought and the new opposition must bring the debate down from the high rhetoric of the sky to the bare ground of everyday life. For more than two decades, our public space has been dominated by a kind of linguistic equilibration, where governmental incompetence and structural failures have been hidden behind the high walls of geopolitical gyms. Every time we have had a failed health reform, every time hospitals have become warehouses of oblivion and schools have been emptied from lack of perspective, the staging of the artificial lights of the traditional parties has produced another national "existential crisis" or a new promise of immediate integration. This type of politics has not produced solutions, it has only produced a deliberate avoidance of consciousness, using the brilliance of Brussels to cover the darkness of our hospitals and schools.
At the core of this system lies the DUI, an “old school” with a new political academy (!). Their discourse is an academic exercise without substance, which talks about “European standards” while the citizen-voter is faced with the standards of survival. The irony lies in the fact that the more they have talked about EU integration, the more clientelism has increased on the ground. The old political elite functions like a caste of clerics of a geopolitical religion, who promise a future paradise only so that ordinary believers do not notice the consequences of strategic-party breakdowns.
The real challenge to these compassless doctrines begins precisely when civil society and the new intellectual elite strip European integration of its alibi of failures and turn it into a battle for the tangible dignity of the citizen. For years, any criticism of the DUI's co-government with other Macedonian parties that failed to stabilize the constitutional status of Albanians has been quickly labeled as "anti-Western" or a threat to the grand integration agenda. This has been the perfect shield of a political class that used the flag of the European Union to cover the black holes of unaccountability. It is a well-thought-out strategy: "Leave us in our darkness, because otherwise the light of our geopolitical orientation will go out."
This game of cat and mouse has reached its ironic peak with what we can call the "twenty percent paradox". The main issues of Albanian identity and national dignity have been transformed into numbers, percentages and mathematical formulas within legal paragraphs, packaging their human and historical essence. When the language, culture and fundamental rights of a people are treated as commodities at the political negotiating tables, the result is never emancipation, but a new subjugation under the light of foreign projectors. This is Europeanization that eclipses national dignity, an optical illusion where the brilliance of European laws on paper dims and hides the misery of rights in practice.
The real danger to society comes from this self-proclaimed institution as a "party school", a kind of academy of the absurd where old politicians, who are stuck in the primer in terms of reading culture and state-building vision, claim to educate the new generation. It is a scene that is both tragic and comical: people who read the last book ("Puss in Boots") in the last century, and most likely under duress, take on the role of enlightened professors to lecture on "modern geopolitics" and "Western values".
What can the new cadres learn from this "school" of intellectual hell? The message conveyed to them under the rug is clear: forget everything you have learned in universities or in the pages of serious books. In this academy of servility, the first and only lesson is blind obedience to the supreme leader. The question that is posed before these young people is an existential crossroads: should they return to the old party primer, memorizing militancy over professionalism and opportunism over meritocracy, or should they follow the algorithms of the new Euro-Atlantic political models?
Fatkeqësia është se shumë intelektualë të rinj, sapo prekin korridoret e këtyre "shkollave", pranojnë të shndërrohen në hije dekorative të kësaj çadre të madhe të cirkusit politik-partiak. Në vend që të sjellin dinamikën e mendimit kritik, efikasitetit teknologjik dhe meritokracisë evropiane, ata zgjedhin të bëhen analfabetët e rinj funksionálë të oborrit. Ata ulen të dëgjojnë me respekt "leksionet" e ustallarëve të vjetër të tenderëve dhe bisedvae të imoralshme telefonike, duke shpresuar se të përsëritësh si papagaj ato dy ose tri fraza të vetme që ka abetarja e partisë, një ditë do të marrin edhe ata një copë pushtet.
Për të kuptuar thellësinë e këtij fenomeni politiko-patologjik, duhet të analizojmë mekanizmin me të cilin kjo elitë e vjetër e mban shoqërinë në një gjendje të përhershme verbimi optik. Ky mekanizëm funksionon përmes një shkëmbimi asimetrik ku qytetarit i kërkohet të dorëzojë të sotmen e tij të prekshme në këmbim të një të ardhmeje të projektuar në ekranet e propagandës. Kur nene të caktuara abrogohen nga Gjykata Kushtetuese , pasojat e këtij degradimi “ejakulohen” në konferenca shtypi, ku kënaqësia zgjat aq sa vazhdon euforia e militantëve partiak. Ky është kulmi i cinizmit të elites së vjetër, që buron nga ‘shkolla akademike’ partiake, ndërkohë që realiteti prodhon historinë e palavdishme të një zhgënjimi.
Ironia bëhet edhe më therëse kur shohim se si ky akademizëm i sipërfaqshëm përdoret si një instrument i ri edukimit politik. Çdo zë mospajtues, çdo kërkesë që kërkon shpjegime lidhur me statusin joshtetformues të shqiptarëve, si derivate të ligjeve gjysmake, prapambetjes ekonomike të komunave shqiptare, fuqizimin e militantëve në vend të profesionistëve etj., trajtohet si një heretizëm i rrezikshëm. "Mos bëni zhurmë se na sheh Evropa," ishte refreni i censurës modern dhe ky lloj ligjërimi e kthen Brukselin nga një destinacion vlerash dhe standardesh, në një gogol gjeopolitik që përdoret për të trembur ata që kërkojnë status që tejkalon dimensionin politik e etnik të pakicave. .
Sot po jetojmë në momentin kur skenografia e partive tradicionale ka filluar të tregojë çarjet e saj të para të mëdha. Në bisedat private apo në zyrat e tyre pompoze, ata mund të krenohen për "akademinë e tyre politike", por përballë realitetit ata mbeten thjesht një strukturë që po zhgënjehet nga gara jo e ndershme brendapartiake. Kuadrot që pretendojnë se do të jenë e ardhmja e partisë duhet ta kuptojnë se standardet e botës euro-atlantike nuk pranojnë asnjë kompromis me analfabetizmin e vjetër politik. Ndryshimi nuk vjen duke ri-lexuar abetaren e dështimeve tona, por duke shkruar një kapitull të ri, ku dija dhe pragmatizmi zënë vendin e idhujve dhe miteve të vjetra partiake.
Consequently, the question before civil society, the media, and those who seek to represent the new political elite is no longer "what should we do," but "how should we dare." The historic mission of the new generation of intellectuals is not to become the next interpreters of the leader's desires, but to become the voice of the internal needs of this people and of the radical transformation of the party-political mindset. Only when national dignity is no longer a shadow eclipsed by the artificial lights of cosmetic Europeanization, but a tangible, bright, and secure reality in the life of every ordinary citizen, will we be able to say that we have truly broken the spell of elite discourses.
Lini një Përgjigje