FLASH
Shkruar nga Ylli Pata
The Democratic Party of Albania is an ally that became a member of the EPP almost at the same time as the HDZ. It is also like that first post-communist party of the country, but with a difference.
A few days ago, HDZ-Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica (Croatian Democratic Union) of Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic won the third mandate to govern the country.
HDZ, founded before the Democratic Party in Albania, was created by the architect of independent Croatia, Franjo Tudjman. In 33 years of post-communism, HDZ is the party that has governed the country the most, it has produced a broad elite of politicians in 33 years.
Mr. Plenkovic is the 10th prime minister of his party, while the country has also had two social democratic prime ministers and an "Independent". has also given the country a president, two of whom: Franjo Tudjman and Stjepan Mesië, who are also considered national heroes, have served two terms.
HDZ, as soon as it received candidate country status in 2009, created together with the social democratic opposition USOK, namely their SPAK, a special prosecution unit to investigate high-level corruption. In 2010, the head of USOK, Dinko Cvitan, found evidence of involvement in corruption of the former prime minister of Croatia, Ivo Sanader.
HDZ-Croatian Democratic Union immediately removed from the party functions, the man who had been for years one of the most important figures of the party. who had led Croatia's NATO membership and pre-EU reforms. A year later, Croatia became a full member of the European Union.
The process of Sanader's departure from HDZ was led by Jadranka Kosor, the prime minister and the leader of the party, which had led the new justice reform. In addition to Mr. Sanader, who was later convicted of corruption, a large number of high-ranking state officials, who were HDZ's top politicians, were also arrested.
However, this party simply decided that their colleagues should face justice themselves, and continue the path to run the country. Only twice the parliamentary elections in Croatia have been won by the leftists, i.e. the Social Democrats of President Zoran Milanovic.
HDZ is one of the most important parties of the EPP, it is considered an authoritative grouping, which has supplied the dome of NATO and the European Union with high authorities.
Kolinda Kitarević (Kobar), who became the president of Croatia, was the number two of the Atlantic Alliance, while the EU's foreign service had many senior Croatian diplomats.
One of them was Romana Vlahutin, who was appointed EU Ambassador in Tirana in 2013. She was brought here from Brussels, precisely to provide assistance for the reform of justice in our country, to create an institution that investigate high-level corruption.
Even Ambassador Vlahutin, an unconventional diplomat, since she came from journalism, where she had a successful career, brought to Tirana the head of USOK, Dinko Cvitan, who trained the prosecutors of Adriatik Llalla to investigate high-level corruption. .
14 years have already passed since that traumatic event, but HDZ does not stop winning, as it seems that it also won points in the initiative to create USOK, (the counterpart of our SPAK), removed Sanader at the height of his power, and above all in the circulation of political elites, i.e. a continuous self-renewal.
The Democratic Party of Albania is an ally that became a member of the EPP almost at the same time as the HDZ. It is also like that first post-communist party of the country, but with a difference.
Sali Berisha, the chairman of the DP, started his career with Franjo Tudjmani, who also had a counterpart in the position of President, while he is still a politician who holds the reins of his political force.
Unlike HDZ, Berisha refused to open the way even when he stayed behind the scenes with Lulzim Basha as chairman, but he never left the reins and the control room.
Unlike the HDZ, it rejected and opposed the reform that the West supported for justice, starting a 10-year open war with the USA and the EU.
And here we are today, when Sali Berisha and his colleague Ilir Meta, who are on a political front against the West, with a political target; SPAK - Prosecutor's Office against Organized Crime and Corruption.
While from 2016 to 2020, Berisha and Meta created a high-level political narrative against the USA and the EU, where they portrayed all the ambassadors of the USA, the EU, Germany, Italy or OSCE, with the creation of SPAK, they have a new target.
This narrative is their political ideology, apart from the demonization of the one they are facing, Edi Rama, who in the three parliamentary and three local elections, not only did not lose, but advanced the political position of the Socialist Party.
Both Sali Berisha and Ilir Meta, for years now, are two of the political figures who are continuously losing points in public; which all polls and conducted elections have shown.
However, they have not accepted to make way for the new generations, but to strengthen their radical position against the West and SPAK. A position that is conditioned by the issues they expect to be under investigation.
Në këtë politikë, megjithatë, ky konfigurim politik ka krijuar një bërthamë fanatikësh, e cila është më shumë virtuale, e pa një shpërndarje të gjerë në territor. Siç është vënë re në organizim e zgjedhje, fuqia potenciale e kësaj mase është margjinale.
Megjithatë, është një masë solide, ku si Berisha e si Meta, natyrisht jo në mënyrë të koordinuar, edhe pse ndajnë një qëndrim, janë në luftë për të fituar sa më shumë nga kjo masë, e cila është qartësisht antiamerikane dhe antiperëndimore, si dhe urren SPAK, e kundërshton ëdo hetim ndaj Sali Berishës dhe Ilir Metës.
Sali Berisha, ndryshe nga Ilir Meta, ka një parti më të madhe të cilën e ka drejtuar historikisht, por që sot është e çarë e dërrmuar, prej nismës së tij të vitit 2021, për ta pasur si skudë mbrojtëse.
Në aksionin 2 vjeçar e gjysmë, me të gjithë mjetet, që nga dhuna e shantazhi, miklimi e aftësia politike, por edhe kapërcimet makiavelike, Sali Berisha ka një plan që e mban nën mëngë për të ardhmen e partisë së tij.
I ndodhur në moshë të kaluar, me ndëshkimin ndërkombëtar dhe hetimin penal, gjasat janë që doktori, të katapultojë në politikë të bijën e tij Argitën.
Me një plan perfid, me një profil të ulët, po e nxjerr në publik si flamurin politik të tij, duket për ta kandiduar deputete në zgjedhjet e vitit 2025. Ku me të hyrë në grupin parlamentar, Argita, ka të gjitha gjasat më pas të bëhet një lidere primare e partisë së Sali Berishës. Të gjitha daljet e saj në publik, kanë dhënë sinjalet e duhura, që të perceptohet si katapultim i mirëfilltë.
Ndërkaq, nga krahu tjetër, Ilir Meta, i alarmuar gjithashtu si Berisha nga aksioni penal, por edhe rrudhja politike, po ndërmerr një operacion alla Blickrieg, për ta bërë partinë e tij një “çetë politike” me më shumë ushtar, e sa më pak kolonelë, edhe pse dikë e thërret “gjeneral” për t’i bërë qejfin.
Në kohën e një kaosi tek PD e ndarë në dysh, Ilir Meta po sulmon fort për arritur sa më shumë vëmendje, tek ata që e quajnë një “të fortë që e thyen në mes Edi Ramën”, që ka fuqi, bën stërvitje, është simpatik në rrjete, ku dhe ndodhën gjithë ditën ndjekësit fanatikë, në përpjekje të dëshpëruar për të parë një batutë të gëzueshme që do e dërrmojë Edi Ramën.
Ilir Meta nuk ka shkuar asnjëherë te rruga e Shpresës, por “legjendën” e llaston pa fund, pasi nuk i flet atij, por fokus grupit që shpreson që të tërheqë pas vetes. Gjatë kësaj kohe, Meta do të tentojë një tandem me Argita Berishën që është jashtë parlamentit si ai, si dhe ka probleme të ngjashme me armikun kryesor që është SPAK.
Duke tentuar siç po bën të kritikojë e delegjitimojë Gaz Bardhin dhe grupin e opozitës në Parlament. Duke larguar Monikën, edhe për arsye të tjera, Meta tenton të krijojë një dyshe të re politike në opozitën e nesërme radikale anti-SPAK që do të shkojë të marrë votat e radikalëve.
This seems to be a non-spontaneous but well-thought-out plan, and it is very likely that very soon in the media close to them, or even others, we will see polls where Ilir Meta and Argita Berisha (Malltezi) are considered the most desired leaders among the opposition militants . We are fixated on the first steps of this plan, which can be announced and configured as early as this summer, when it will be decided how the Anti-SPAK opposition will run in the 2025 elections in the lists for deputies. The retention and activation of Berisha's lawyer in PL structures is nothing more than a signal of a political siamization that receives and delivers messages until conception occurs./ Ylli Pata
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