FLASH
Shkruar nga Mero Baze
Overall, this battle clearly shows that SPAK intends to knock on Edi Rama's office...
The year we are leaving behind marks the culminating battle of justice with the government in Albania, a battle that has formally opened the trenches on the corruption front, but which is clearly read to be a battle for power and authority in the country.
The battle, which had previously begun with the accusations against Ahmetaj, Beqaj, Bllako and several other high-ranking officials, was until then seen as legitimate and Prime Minister Rama had adopted a unified stance, where officials resigned and continued the battle with justice themselves.
But in early 2025, the battle became more dramatic. Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj was arrested in early February after an anonymous person, Anesti Angoni, filed a lawsuit over an unproven complaint regarding a conflict of interest between Erion Veliaj and businessman Gent Sulaj. According to Angoni, Veliaj had hired the deputy prime minister's wife sometime in 2013 and had acquired three villas in Qerret.
To date, SPAK has not been able to find any of Veliaj's villas out of the three claimed by the anonymous Angoni, nor does the fact that Genta Sulaj was a deputy minister constitute proof, since deputy ministers are appointed by the prime minister.
It all seemed to be a process initiated by SPAK itself, with an anonymous informant, which is the first and only case so far in the new justice, as the special prosecution institutions are called.
Erion Veliaj was arrested in his office without charges and isolated in a cell. He has not yet started his trial on the merits, even though he is in his 11th month in prison, while the Constitutional Court has considered the attempt to remove him from office illegal. In practice, he is an elected president who has been forcibly suspended by SPAK, taken to a cell and, by any criteria of the Constitutional Court, must return to office until a decision is issued that finds him guilty.
However, this is his next battle until Strasbourg, a court that has largely annulled SPAK decisions, but which the former SPAK chairman, Dumani, considers hasty and underhanded decisions, and calls a corrupt court.
Veliaj's arrest has spawned dozens of conspiracy theories due to the internal struggle within the Socialist Party and the almost inhumane treatment in prison by the prison administration, led by Ulsi Manja. He has been denied international lawyers and this week a BKH OPGJ has demanded an account from three MEPs why they want to meet with Veliaj and whether their decision is based on some EU resolution (?!).
In fact, it all seems to be a personal venting of the two prosecutors in the case, who, in the absence of evidence for the charges for which they took him to prison, have gone on a hunt to find new charges, so that, as Dumani says in meetings, "he may never see the light of day again."
After SPAK's battle with Veliaj, it became clear that GJKKO itself was more militant than SPAK. In a preliminary court hearing, it asked the prosecution to consider Ilir Beqaj a criminal group in connection with the sterilization concession, which has been successfully completed and has saved the Albanian state money, as well as significantly improved surgical services in Albania.
It is unprecedented for a court to seek a punishment one level higher than the prosecution, and the GJKKO has done this in at least three cases with high-ranking officials, former SP ministers. The fact that Erion Bani, at the head of this court, is a known DP militant, is not enough. It seems to me that there is an inspiration beyond the political preferences of some of those judges.
Dozens of SP officials, mayors and heads of institutions began visiting SPAK with a propaganda scenario of "people's trials", where the SPAK press office, before they appeared in the courtyard, publishes with subtitles on screens details of files, which often do not end up in court, but serve to put the defendants on trial by the people.
In September, in an attempt to change the situation in the Municipality of Tirana, Prime Minister Rama decided to dismiss Erion Veliaj and call elections in Tirana, but the Constitutional Court blocked it, considering Veliaj’s dismissal from office illegal.
Belinda Balluku, who emerged empowered in the new government of September, had meanwhile become a target of the prosecution. A file filled with private communications between her and a subordinate turned into the most watched national soap opera, adding to that the fantasy of Sali Berisha with the hourly and daily labels and the inventions of hundreds of luxury apartments and yachts, which SPAK neither denies nor confirms, according to the style of the “popular trial”.
The accusation of inequality in tenders against the minister is based on her clear control over the tasks of her subordinates, which has more to do with the distribution of work to road construction companies, giving orders to several companies that are linked to the DP, likely to eliminate the tradition of political elimination.
This was the company run by Shtufi, a close associate of Shkëlzen Berisha, Ram Geci, a former sponsor of the DP, Bashkim Ulaj, etc., close to the DP.
There is still no trace or evidence that Ms. Balluku received financial compensation for the fact of controlling the work of her subordinates, while she is not a contracting authority to be accused of inequality in tenders. At least there is room for illegal influence, but in the meantime she is under the pressure of imprisonment, while the procurement officials are all under indictment.
Në tërësi, kjo betejë duket qartë se SPAK synon të trokasë në zyrën e Edi Ramës.
Dhe rasti më komprometues, në të vërtetë, u shfaq javët e fundit, kur një biznesmen i nëntokës politike, Ergys Agaçi, duket se ka përfituar tendera në mënyrë të paligjshme te AKSH dhe ka shërbyer dhe si favorizues apo eliminues i kompanive të tjera.
E shoqëruar kjo me telenovelat e vetë-regjistrimeve të tij, ai bëhet një rast i fortë zhurmues, që mbulon gjithë betejën jakobine të SPAK me pushtetin, pasi, sa herë që t’iu kujtohen çmenduritë e hetimeve apo linçimet personale, ata kanë së fundmi një rast të pastër korrupsioni dhe degradimi të një institucioni zyrtar për shkak të lidhjeve personale.
Dhe duket se nuk do të ndalen këtu. Flitet se Engjëll Agaçi, Sekretar i Përgjithshëm i Kryeministrit, është nën akuzë penale për një histori të diskutueshme lobimi me një biznesmen, pronar tokash në Vlorë, dikur i afërt i Sali Berishës.
Kjo betejë e paprecedent e SPAK me qeverinë duket se ka vënë nën akuzë çdo zyrtar të lartë të qeverisë, përveç Edi Ramës, natyrisht duke synuar Edi Ramën dhe pushtetin.
Ky i fundit, për herë të parë, ndryshoi kursin dhe retorikën e tij ndaj SPAK, duke i konsideruar këto akte me prapavijë politike dhe duke folur për një gatishmëri për betejë me ta, dhëmb për dhëmb, për çdo rast të ri që t’i hapet.
Kjo betejë ka entuziazmuar opozitën, e cila shpreson se SPAK do ta rrëzojë nga pushteti Edi Ramën për të sjellë ata, që për fat të keq akoma vazhdojnë ta sulmojnë SPAK se “është i Edi Ramës”.
Paranojat që shoqëruan betejën e SPAK me qeverinë i kanë dhënë vrull fantazisë së tyre, duke folur për CIA, FBI, BE, MI6, etj., por të gjitha janë broçkulla shqiptare.
Ajo që është e vërtetë dhe duket qartë është se prokurorët e SPAK testuan dhe provuan se pushteti i tyre është i paprekshëm, se ata nuk japin më llogari askund, para asnjë institucioni në Shqipëri, se gjykatat i kanë vënë nën vete dhe se pushtetin mund ta ndryshojnë me urdhra arresti.
Kjo, e shoqëruar me disa prej tyre dhe me tifozëri politike, i ka bërë ata një pol pushteti të paprekshëm, të pakontrollueshëm, të pafrenuar dhe shpesh herë të pavetdijshëm për kufijtë e pushtetit të drejtësisë me pushtetet e tjera në Republikë.
Dhe kur gjakrat të bien dhe drejtësia të hyjë në shtratin e saj profesional, kjo intifadë ndëshkuese ndaj politikanëve shqiptarë do të mbahet mend gjatë si drejtësi jakobine, si fushata më e keqpëdorur në gjuhën e reformës në drejtësi, kur betejat humben në gjykatat evropiane, atje ku kërkon të anëtarësohet Republika e Shqipërisë.
Deri atëherë, Republika e Prokurorëve do ta ketë bërë Shqipërinë vendin më të zi në botë, me statistika që dhe kur je anëtar i BE-së duhet të përjashtohesh.
And then, when we no longer have the emotions of an ongoing battle, we will see what we have done to the economy, business, the press, and politics with the Justice Reform, signed by 140 MPs under pressure from the EU and the US, for which we raised our hand as European justice and are being applauded as Jacobin justice.
Lini një Përgjigje