FLASH
Shkruar nga Saam Greene
The death of Alexei Navalny weighs heavily on the conscience of Western leaders, who were too slow to recognize the threat posed by Russian corruption and authoritarianism. And so it should be. However, it will be in vain if even more stringent and restrictive measures are not taken on the assets of the people who killed him...
Of course, President Joe Biden's promise that Moscow would face "devastating consequences" if Navalny died in prison was made 7 months before Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Most of the sanctions and other measures that could have been on the table in early 2021 have already been put in place.
However, this does not mean that Washington has no other options. Actually, I think there are 5 ways to fight back. If these measures are implemented consistently and in concert with US allies, they could have a real impact on the Kremlin, the prospects of Putin, those who challenge him, and the long-term future of Russian politics.
First, the US should put the fate of political prisoners at the center of its policy towards Russia. Although the most prominent political prisoner, Navalny was not the only one. The Russian human rights organization Memorial, now forced to operate in exile, estimates that at least 700 people are currently being held in Russian prisons simply because they are brave enough to stand up against Putin, his war and his campaigns. internal repression. The list includes other prominent opposition politicians such as Vladimir Kara-Murza and Ilya Yashin, journalists such as Evan Gershkovich and Alsu Kurmasheva (both of whom, not coincidentally, are American citizens) and many, many people whose names are less known, but the risk to which is not less.
The United States must do everything in its power to keep these people alive. A core tenet of US diplomacy during the Cold War was constant attention to how the Soviet Union treated political prisoners.
Such a focus made it more difficult for the Kremlin to eliminate them. While fame couldn't keep Navalny alive, that's no excuse to give up on the rest. Moreover, making political prisoners in Russia a visible political priority for the US sends the message to those brave enough to continue against Putin that America will stand by them. For an activist, this sense of support and solidarity can make the difference between giving up and continuing to resist.
Second, American policymakers should strengthen support for political prisoners through real material aid. As a new study by the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) makes clear, even though Putin may be replaced by someone willing to rebuild bridges of cooperation with the West, the structures and instincts of autocracy will remain. While support for Russian democracy cannot replace support for Ukrainian sovereignty, it must be made clear to both Putin and whoever may succeed him at the helm of Russia that there can be no sanctions relief until political prisoners are released.
Third, the US and Europe must grant the right of asylum and refuge to all Russian citizens fleeing repression and war. Alexei Navalny's sense of dignity and purpose drove him to put himself in danger. But this is a sacrifice, which we cannot and should not ask of all Putin's opponents.
The failure to provide legal protection for political refugees from Russia - similar to the support the US provides for Cubans, Venezuelans and others - is morally and pragmatically unjustifiable. Forcing Russian dissidents to stay in Russia or return home because of integration problems where they immigrated gives Putin more casualties and forces his opponents to choose between their safety and their conscience. Neither of these outcomes is in America's interest.
Fourth, and related to the points addressed above, until all political prisoners are released, and those responsible for Navalny's death are brought to justice, the US and Europe must formally cut ties with the Russian authorities. law enforcement.
The lack of not only due process, but also minimal respect for human life, makes Russia an unreliable partner for cooperation against trafficking, organized crime, terrorism and money laundering. This means that no Western court or authority should order the extradition to Russia of any criminal suspect. Or deport, even to a third country, any Russian national likely to face trial at home.
Fifth, the most obvious way to honor Navalny's legacy is for us in the West to commit to Russia's military defeat in Ukraine. Some of us might be tempted to believe that de-escalation of actions in Ukraine could lead to de-escalation of the situation inside Russia, creating more room for Democrats.
But no one in Russia's democratic opposition believes this is true. Navalny himself has often argued that democracy can never be restored to Russia as long as the country maintains its imperial ambitions, and those ambitions will continue as long as the Kremlin, under any leadership, can convince the population that its adventure in Ukraine it is anything but a terrible disaster.
Taking these 5 steps will not immediately bring about the downfall of Putin's regime, nor will they guarantee the safety of other political prisoners in Russia. Having patiently watched as Putin built his autocracy, Western leaders should not be surprised or alarmed by the lack of immediate solutions.
However, they may impose real costs on the Kremlin, strengthening the opposition's ability to withstand repression, undermining the effectiveness of Putin's police state, and committing to defeating Putin on his most important front. of the battle, and giving Russia's future leaders clear incentives to make fundamental changes./ Adapted Pamphlet from "National Interest"
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