FLASH
Shkruar nga Ben Andoni
The citizen who lives within such a system and who contributes by living a lie and no longer speaking about what he believes or simply who would like to be left alone, is the one who damages democracy, explained Haveli.
The biggest paradox these days was how a big news, related to the opening of the first chapter in the EU membership negotiations with Albania on October 15, has passed without any kind of echo. In its place, the news given by Prime Minister Rama about the creation of what was considered the "Vatican of the Bektashians" (!) and the imprisonment of an opposition deputy received all the attention it deserved and even far beyond it. In the chronicles, the main place was taken by a large mass of people escorting the deputy to prison, who himself accepted to serve the sentence, after being found guilty by the Justice. The other space was related to Prime Minister Rama's meetings in New York.
While a few days ago, the Albanian parliament challenged the Constitutional Court, not accepting the request for the mandate of deputy Xhaçka, the same people, the same media passed it "normally". It is understood that it was rightly described as a coup against the Constitutionalist by the opposition parties of the Democratic Party, but the news passed quite normally. You can also feel the assistance of the Speaker of the Assembly with the SP deputies, who apparently passed the protection of the former minister's party leader as a matter under the interpretation of the Venice Commission!!
Do we have some kind of excessive conviction about the reality we live in? Are the political people themselves the first to nurture what their bosses don't even think about? Will the civil disobedience, which is being announced now, be worth it in order to achieve the goal and not to repeat these situations? Hard to say. Knowing the genesis of the transformation of the ALP into the SP and the "rise" from nothing of the DP, one thing comes to mind easily: the individuals of the parties, the common people, in every way give food to this status quo, where Albania is located.
And, authoritarianism seems to have been there, softened through the years of idealism of the few in post-democracy, and has returned again. The world is feeling its breath, how it is getting closer to the discourse of the candidate for president in the USA, Trump, while Albania is small and insignificant with the immense power of Rama and the prime ministerial aspirations of the chief opposition leader Berisha. All others remain appendages and act according to their own negligible wills. Worse still, they live (it's better to say we are living the time of a big lie), where democracy is talked about at any time and from anyone, in the ever greater impossibility of exercising it properly.
Historian Timothy D. Snyder explained this phenomenon in an original way. His concept of "anticipatory conviction" makes you think deeply about where we are in these times. But in the form of a postulate, the phrase is already in many manuals, which warn democracy: "Most of the power of authoritarianism is given freely. In times like these, individuals think ahead to what a more repressive government will want and then offer themselves even without being asked. A citizen who adapts in this way teaches the government what it can do."
In 1978, in an essay titled "The Power of the Powerless" (translated into English as "The Power of the Powerless"), which appears to be the size of a political pamphlet, he explained the shape that post-modern societies would take over time. totalitarian. In addition to the case of Solzhenitsyn, he brought in the same writing a parable of life, where a vegetable seller placed in his shop the slogan: "Proletarians of the whole world, unite!"
If he did not put it in his windows, wrote Havel, this sign could be taken as a kind of challenge to the regime, but he does it very decisively, so that they leave him comfortably, in the language of the people. In Havel's interpretation: the sign becomes not just a symbol of his enthusiasm for the regime, but a symbol of submission to it and humiliation by it. Critics considered that idea of Havel as a motive to show the contradictions between the "goals of life" and the "goals of systems", that is, between the individual and the state, in a society that today becomes more and more autocratic. It is understood that such a modern-day character, like the wholesaler, must live in anonymity within the system, where he is but a silent and obedient counter, simply to hide what he believes and then leave him alone.
In our time, this seems even more bitter. In many DP protests in recent years, the paradox has been that while the mobilization of a few eyes has been far from the expectations, the other people, from the many cafeterias to the Block, were opposed to it undisturbed. The DP individuals who, a few meters away, got the opportunity to speak on the podiums, expressed their obedience to Berisha more than they revealed something different, but we know how difficult meritocracy is in this formation.
Kënaqësia për t’u përshtatur me konformizmin nën pushtetin në rastin e parë për të treguar se janë fare mirë dhe në rastin e dytë për t’i pëlqyer drejtuesve eprorë ishte gati e njëjta. Rasti i PS-së është tashmë më i hidhur me gatishmërinë e një brezi fare të ri, që ka mentalitet po aq të vjetër sa paraardhësit dhe që i blatojnë lavde apoteoze Ramës, apo të tjerët, që prej kohësh nuk arrijnë as të pëshpëritin ndonjë arsye pse shqiptarët ikin në këtë masë: përveç asaj që thotë shefi: E gjithë Evropa po ikën. Sërish, i thërrasim në ndihmë Havelit: “Nëse të gjithë po marrin pjesë në bindjen paraparëse, të tjerët e ndjekin”. Dhe, pastaj na fal postulatin e tij: “Individët që e konfirmojnë sistemin, përmbushin sistemin, bëjnë sistemin, janë vetë sistemi”. Ne e kemi krijuar të gjithë këtë sistem, që opozita i thotë regjim.
Po pse vallë nënshtrohemi kështu edhe në shekullin XXI? Pse nuk mësuam nga komunizmi dhe fashizmi (bashkëpunëtorët tanë që tani jo pak herë po na shndërrohen si heronj), pse nuk po mësojmë nga fuqia e autokratëve, pse i ushqejmë? “Nënshtrimi për shkak të pritshmërisë nënkupton, instinktin e menjëhershëm që i vjen dikujt, pa e menduar gjatë, ndaj një situate të re”, shpjegon Snyder. Rasti tek ne ndodh qysh me adoleshentët, që ende pa gëzuar jetën përshtaten me militantizmin partiak dhe pranojnë të përdoren.
Rinorët e PL-së, PD-së dhe PS-së janë shembulli më i mirë i vetë përdorjes me qëllim, pa ditur ende motivin. Rasti tjetër është sesi nëpunës e zyrtarë të ndryshëm, thjesht për të qenë më të mirët para syve të shefave të tyre, u dalin përpara vendimeve të parapritshme të shefave. Historia e drejtimit të ekzekutivit të PS-së është e mbushur me raste të tilla. Jo më kot, brenda bunkerizimit të partive kryesore, duhet të japësh shembull që do të bindesh dhe pastaj të thirresh nën armë.
Mbase shembujt që jep Snyder në esenë e tij me Trupat SS, që i eksperimentuan dhe i ofruar mënyrat e ekzekutimeve masive pa ia kërkuar Hitleri, shkon me faktin sesi në Shqipëri u bë në Socializëm, ku eksperimentet e iniciuara nga aparatçikët që u bënë ndaj fshatarëve fillimisht dhe pastaj me punëtorët “kaluan” dhe vetë pritshmërinë e shefave komunistë.
The citizen who lives within such a system and who contributes by living a lie and not speaking about what he believes or simply who would like to be left alone, is the one who damages democracy, explained Haveli. The fable of the "Emperor's New Clothes" should have no place in a country as suffering as ours and unfortunately still very backward. Let's not forget the terrible ideological backwardness: Havel's essay was written in 1978!!!! While his wholesaler remains an example of reconciliation of today's Albanian with the brutal mediocrity of politics, which is not impressed by European integration (a great act after 34 years of struggle and dream of Albanians: "Let's make Albania like Europe"), but simply adaptation in a comfort that turns him into the holder of this status quo, which apparently cannot change. (Homo Albanicus)
Lini një Përgjigje