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Lunching on a sandwich in the central market of Volendam, a port north of Amsterdam, Gerald, 24, was clear about his choice in last month's Dutch election. "I voted for Wilders, and many of my friends did too," he said.
"I want to live forever with my parents. I want my house and to be able to provide for my family later. Wilders wants to understand the housing crisis and improve our healthcare. These are the most important topics for me." If everyone who voted in the election were under the age of 35, Geert Wilders, the far-right populist whose Party for Freedom (PVV) shocked Europe by winning a majority of parliamentary seats, would have won even more .
In last year's French presidential runoff, Marine Le Pen won 39% of the vote among French 18-24-year-olds and 49% of those 25-34. Before Italy's elections last September, Giorgia Meloni's Fratelli d'Italia was the largest party among under-35s, with 22%.
Across Europe, the image of the far-right voter – typically white, male, uneducated and older – is changing, and studies suggest that in some countries, support for the far right is growing faster among voters Young.
Several factors can explain the phenomenon, analysts say. "We have to be really careful about assuming a cultural or ideological alignment between young voters and the far right," said Catherine de Vries, a political scientist at Italy's Bocconi University. "We know that in many countries young people are more pro-immigration than older voters. They have not become xenophobes. But their life is more uncertain. These are often votes for what was called "life security" in these Dutch elections.
The Dutch word bestaenszekerheid roughly translates to an existence with sufficient and predictable income, a satisfactory home, access to education and health care, and a "mattress" against the unexpected.
Issues such as housing, overcrowded classrooms and struggling hospitals were central to the youth vote, De Vries said. Wilders may want "the Dutch first," but he promises to fix these things, she said. "Government parties imposed austerity measures".
In Volendam, where the PVV won 42.9% of the vote, this was Gerald's favorite topic. "Young people, those from big cities, care about the climate and gender issues, but they are ignoring the real problems we have here and now," he said.
"I am not racist because I voted for Wilders. It frustrates me that immigrants get more help from the government than the Dutch - but I'm not against Islam; I don't want the mosques to be closed. I just think we need to control immigration better."
Koen, 19, a student in Amsterdam, echoed that view. "I still live with my parents - I can't afford a room in Amsterdam," he said. "I have to travel every day. Wilders wants to give shelter to people who are from here - I don't think that's strange."
Cohen also said he did not believe Wilders would follow through on his extreme anti-Islam promises: closing mosques and outlawing the Koran.
Far-right parties are not the preferred option - or even the second choice - for younger voters anywhere in Europe, analysts warn. The trend appears stronger in countries such as Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and Denmark. In Spain, the percentage of the ultra-conservative Vox party among under-35s rose from 22% in April 2019 to 34% that November. It fell again this year, but still stands above 27%.
In the Netherlands, the PVV rose to become the largest party among 18-34-year-olds, winning 17% of the vote, up from 7% previously. In Sweden's 2022 election, 22% of 18-21 year olds voted for the far-right Sweden Democrats, compared to 12% in 2018.
Pawel Zerka, a fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, also identified economic uncertainty as the most important factor. "Young voters have not moved to the right on immigration, abortion, minority rights," he said. "The far-right parties have convinced them that they offer a reliable economic alternative."
Jacob Davey, head of policy and research at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, identified the influence of an extreme and ultra-right youth counterculture.
And finally, says De Vries, there is also "normalization". For many young voters, far-right parties have been part of the political landscape all their lives, she said. "There isn't the stigma that it used to be."
In Amsterdam, Conny, 22, said living in the city was getting more expensive, but the outgoing government didn't seem to care.
"Wilders campaigned to invest in health care and people's homes," she said. "When it comes to migration, people from a country of war deserve a better life here, but this should not be at the expense of the Dutch." / The Week – Bota.al
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