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Rajoni dhe Bota2024-07-07 18:52:00

Vucic or Dodik: Who is the most authentic heir of Sesel?

Shkruar nga Zoran Vuletiç & Aleksandar Sekuloviç

Vucic or Dodik: Who is the most authentic heir of Sesel?

When Vucic can't say something for various reasons, then he orders Dodik, Vuli or Dacic to say it and they say it in vulgar language.

Vojislav Seselj practically defined the Serbian national interest more than 35 years ago. We went to war because of that national interest, because of which the former Yugoslavia was torn apart, hundreds of thousands of people were killed, genocide was committed in Srebrenica and almost a million people were displaced and ethnically cleansed. But today, a much bigger problem than Sesel is the political actors, who most often consciously, although there are those who also unconsciously support his strangely defined national interest.

Sesel and Seseljism, as I understand them, are an integral part of Serbian nationalism, which has been the dominant spiritual force in Serbia for nearly 200 years. But Sesheli is not the creator of Seseljism. If we look historically, the first public appearance of Seshelism was the action of the Black Hand, i.e. the Union or Death organization, which was the murder of King Aleksandar Obrenovic and Draga Mashin.

It is a typical seseljist act. This was followed by the assassination of Croatian leaders in the Assembly of Yugoslavia in 1928. The Chetnik movement is the embodiment of the spirit of Seselism. In World War II, he committed genocide against Muslim Bosniaks, and his followers in the 1990s carried out a repeat of that genocide in Srebrenica.

And not only in Srebrenica, but also in Prijedor, Sarajevo, Tuzla, Visegrad. The actions of Seseljism continue with the murder of Ivan Stambolic and Zoran Xinxic.

Seselj introduced arrogance, primitivism and lack of culture into the political life of Serbia. It is clear. But for me it is important to expose Seselism, which is hidden, hidden, cultural and which does not allow Serbia to join the European Union. I think that today we have a greater task to expose the worthy ones who support Sesel's goals.

When we look at the political decisions they have taken, isn't it Seselism when the 2006 Constitution is approved and the preamble states that Kosovo is an integral part of Serbia, which is the biggest obstacle to our progress towards the European Union. Isn't it Seselism when NIS and the entire energy sector bow to Russia for the supposed preservation of Kosovo, isn't it Seselism when Ahtisaari's plan is rejected.

If we were not mistaken, those decisions would not have been taken and today we would have at least 60 or 70 of the 250 deputies in the Serbian parliament demanding an extraordinary session of the parliament to confirm the acceptance of the Franco-German plan for Kosovo.

From which parts of society did Seshel recruit supporters?

At first, Seselj recruited mostly members from the working class. But for me it is less of a problem. A much bigger problem is that most intellectuals and the largest number of politicians and political parties have accepted his goal. Look at the media that creates opposition public opinion and the media that support the government. They absolutely agree that the situation in Kosovo is temporary, that nothing is finished there yet. Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina are seen as an internal matter of Serbia.

It is difficult to fight against Sheseljism, because it is literally in every pore of society. Those who advocate that Serbia never recognize Kosovo, continue to deny what happened in the war and relativize the United Nations Resolution on the genocide in Srebrenica, knowingly or unknowingly support Seseljism.

Vucic, unfortunately, is the measure of our society and no one has the right to be angry that the West is talking to him, because we as a society are not capable of creating a political alternative not only to Vucic, but also to the politics of his.

If he had political wisdom, the opposition would not accuse him of betraying Kosovo because he accepted Kosovo car plates and the abolition of the payment of dinars in Kosovo. This is something that had to be done and it would have been better for Boris Tadic to have done it 15 years ago than today he and a part of the opposition accuse Vučić of treason that he has accepted.

Why did Sesel's ideas find such a strong response in Serbia?

As for the massive support for Sesel, it was support for Serbian nationalism. Serbian nationalism has been the hegemonic force in Serbian society for almost 200 years with a small interruption during the era of socialism which lasted very briefly, perhaps from 1944 to 1948. Already with the conflict with the Cominform began the erosion of the hegemony of socialist ideas.

Seselj is not a demiurge, he is not a creator, he is a simple executor of the ideas of Serbian nationalism, which after the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, achieved absolute spiritual hegemony in Serbian society.

Why did Milosevic not allow Sesel to be president?

It was competition, it was their personal account. In principle, from a historical and political point of view, it is not very important. There was competition, but also complete agreement on the goals and the way of action.

The main leaders have learned not to use Sesel's vulgar methods, but sophisticated, more cunning ones, following the politics of Drazha Mihailovic, who said that the essence of his politics was intrigue, cunning and deception. The method of work has changed, but the essence has remained the same.

What is the relationship between Sesel and Vucic?

It is an excellent relationship, there are absolutely no problems either in political or personal contacts. Sesel is so politically experienced, so perfidious and so cunning that he indirectly influences decisions.

Vuçiç nuk ka probleme me Sheshelin. Shesheli për tre apo katër vjet nuk ishte aq i pranishëm në jetën publike, partia e tij nuk ishte as në koalicion lokal me Partinë Përparimtare Serbe. Pas kësaj ai u rishfaq, duke shkuar nga studio në studio, duke shpjeguar qëllimet e politikës së tij dhe absolutisht, pa diskutim, duke mbështetur Vuçiçin që ai të ishte në një koalicion formal me Partinë Progresive Serbe në zgjedhjet e fundit në Beograd.

Marrëdhënia mes Vuçiçit dhe Sheshelit është marrëdhënia mes nxënësit dhe mësuesit. Këtë më së miri e ilustron skena kur Sheshelj ishte deputet i Kuvendit të Serbisë dhe gjatë seancës ku mori pjesë edhe Vuçiç, ai i tha Vuçiçit se çfarë duhet të bëjë. Vuçiç i ka shkruar të gjitha me kujdes, gjë që normalisht nuk e bën kurrë.

Shesheli i shërbeu Vuçiçit më mirë se Millosheviçin, sepse ai ishte në një marrëdhënie konkurruese me Millosheviçin. Millosheviçi mbante gjithmonë stigmën e një komunisti dhe kurrë nuk u pranua plotësisht nga nacionalizmi serb. Nuk ka një problem të tillë me Vuçiçin dhe Sheshelj nuk ka asnjë rezervë për të.

Milorad Dodik një pasardhës më autentik i Vojisllav Sheshelit sesa Aleksandar Vuçiç?

Në thelb, nuk ka dallim në politikë dhe qëllime. Dodik gëzon besim dhe mbështetje të madhe në Republikën Srpska dhe ai ka pak mbështetje edhe në Serbi. Mendoj se bëhet fjalë vetëm për ndarjen e roleve, për atë skemën e vjetër, polici i mirë dhe i keq. Nuk ka dallim thelbësor

Pse fjalori i Milorad Dodik është më afër Sheshelit sesa i Vuçiçit?

Kur Vuçiç nuk mund të thotë diçka për arsye të ndryshme, atëherë ai urdhëron Dodikun, Vulin ose Daçiçin ta thonë dhe ata e thotë me gjuhë vulgare.

Gjithsesi mendoj se Vuçiç nuk përdor gjithmonë fjalë të bukura. Ai thotë se kryeministri i Kosovës, Kurti, është llum terrorist. Për përfaqësuesit perëndimorë gjithnjë e më shpesh thotë se janë gënjeshtarë dhe zuzar, por nuk i emërton siç i quan Kurti. Është e vërtetë se ndryshe nga Dodik, Vuçiç nuk shan. Ndryshe, nuk shoh ndonjë ndryshim mes tyre, as në stil, as në sjellje arrogante ndaj rivalëve.

Shesheljizimi i Serbisë

Shesheli nuk është ideolog. Ai përdor monedha të thjeshta të përshtatshme për të fituar shpejt elektoratin. Ai riprodhon atë që u krijua nga krijuesit e nacionalizmit serb. Shesheli nuk e shpiku idenë e Serbisë së Madhe. Para Luftës së Parë Botërore, në shumë vende të Serbisë kishte taverna dhe bujtina me emrin Velika Srbija.

Madje në Beograd kishte një klub futbolli me emrin Velika Srbija, kështu që pas Luftës së Parë Botërore dhe formimit të Jugosllavisë, ai e ndërroi emrin në Jugosllavi, gjë që tregon vetëm se nga pikëpamja e nacionalizmit serb, Jugosllavia konsiderohej një Serbi e zgjeruar.  Prandaj, të gjitha idetë që riprodhon Shesheli kanë ekzistuar shumë më parë në nacionalizmin serb si një hegjemon shpirtëror.

A kishte Sheshelj një ndikim kaq të fortë në jetën politike dhe shoqërore në Serbi, saqë mund të flitet për sheshelizim të Serbisë?

Absolutely yes. But it is not only a matter of Seselization, but also of Russification of Serbia. It is a symbiosis that will be very difficult to get rid of. What Seshel did, who is now practically retired, is continued by others. This can be seen in his behavior. He calmly accepted his new position as an outsider and a political retiree, because he knows that many continue his ideas, rhetoric and work style.

So, there is no need to fear seseljism. He has a secure future in Serbian society as long as the hegemony of Serbian nationalism exists./ Adapted "Pamphlet" from "REL"

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