Realistically, the old communes created a certain clientele and influence, but they did not always constitute a political power.
The 2014 territorial reform eliminated communes and created 61 municipalities. In other words, what are now administrative units were previously directly elected units with mayors and councils, which in a way created a territorial relationship.
Realistically, the old municipalities created a certain clientele and influence, but they did not always constitute a political power.
Let's take Tirana. The Democratic Party mourns the departure of the municipality of Paskuqan, which is now part of the municipality of Kamza, and the municipality of Kashari, which is now part of the Municipality of Tirana.
The municipality of Paskuqan is a historical collector of DP votes, but in the last elections the opposite has happened. Paskuqan, namely the administrative unit, is no longer a bastion of the DP. Meanwhile, the former municipality of Kashar is today the most important electoral unit of Tirana. Namely, unit 14 is the largest in the capital, as it has within it two units that are the great demographic power of the capital: Yzberishi and Astir. Until a few years ago, unit 5 and unit 2 were the most important in the Tirana elections. From 2021, Unit 14 is the most strategic. For 5 years, however, like Astir, like Yzberishi, like Kashari, or Yrsheku and Mëzezi, they have remained a socialist bastion, although the Democrats also have not only pore supporters and organized structures.
If you look carefully at this demographic development, you can clearly see that arrondissement 14 is nothing more than a Paris Commune of the proletariat. Namely, a majority coming from the South of the country, middle class, who have generally voted for the Socialist Party.
The Socialists, with the Kasharin unit, which was built as such by the DP when it promoted that municipality, have achieved strategic power in the capital after maintaining primacy in the two largest units; 5 and 14. The DP or the right also lost first place in unit 11, which was generally with 2 thousand votes, or unit 8, which is small and has little impact in parliamentary elections.
In Durrës, the new territorial division has disrupted the work of the DP, as it once controlled Rrashbulli, which controls the beaches of Shkëmbi i Kavajës, Golemi, which occasionally controls its coast, while in Lalzi Bay, the former municipality of Ishmi was generally socialist.
In Lezha, the DP has had political power in the local unit, where it has established political power in the three former large communes; Shenkoll, Balldren and Zejmen, but the difference has always been not without change between the left and the right. The political change in the region in the parliamentary elections was made less by Mirëdita but more by Mamurrasi and Fushekuqja, which are the two former communes with the largest population in the Kurbin municipality.
The new territorial map has not disrupted the political balance in the region, even in the last elections. However, the DP has had losses or outflows from north to south, and has attributed this to the division. But how much does it stand? Let's take for comparison a bastion of the DP like the Shkodra municipality, for example, which in 2023 went to the Socialists with Benet Beci.
Shkodra has been a real bastion of the DP, but not the entire territory. After Velipoja, the former commune of Rrethinave, Ana e Malit are bastions of the SP. The DP had its power in the city of Shkodra and in Dajç which is today in the commune of Vau i Dejës. Which has within it Bushati, a strong democratic base, Mjeda also a former historical bastion, Laçi i Vau i Dejës which produced politician Nard Ndoka and the surrounding areas.
Today this entire area votes for Tom Doshi or the PS. In fact, not only today, since geopolitics has changed for years. And since then, several local elections have been held, which the DP has not only given the maximum of the opposition energies that came from below, or there has been a clash within the type as happened in 2023 in some municipalities. Where Gaz Bardhi, then secretary general of the seal, supported the candidates of the pulpit, bringing major problems, especially in specific areas, where Vau i Dejës is one example.
However, if you look closely, there are municipalities where the opposition treats them like pawns, if it had the motivation and mobilization, it could win them. Just as it won Memaliaj, Puka, Mirdita, and Fusharrës on the worst day, simply because willing characters ran and achieved winning local alliances.
Geography has its effect on a consolidated demographic configuration, but today, since the doctor brought everyone to Tirana and Durrës, Albanian electoral geopolitics is more controlled.
The administrative division is simply an alibi, and to see this, it is enough to look at the votes village by village and neighborhood by neighborhood in the city, to see that this whole fable of an electoral division does not hold up. The game is clear; the DP has lost the power of the equalizer in the Tirana, Durrës and Elbasan regions. Can this be reversed? So far, no proposal has come!
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