FLASH
Shkruar nga Bedri Islami
He does not turn a blind eye to the killed. They are lying on the road. He is worried about not crossing the fence of the government building, inside of which there are two people still unpunished. He has the only worry, "take care of the ammunition".
The events of January 21 are now known in their details. The process, after many delays, is in the SPAK offices, as the last hope to have the missing justice, which for many years was and remains a violated, mocked, misused, ugly justice. On one side of it stood the trampled state, which was finally defeated by the prime minister of the country, who, after having accused everything, up to the foundations of the state, the president of the country and the chief prosecutor of the republic, and, on the other hand, the families of the murdered, who had lost not only their relatives, but also the belief that something could be solved one day. The arrogance of power was everywhere, even over their lives.
Recently, although they were known to exist, new records of the orders given by the commander of the Republic Guard, Ndrea Prendi, became known.
It is unbelievable to imagine a state that, in the greatest calmness, after an order from the superiors, shoots at the citizens, just when everything was ending. The orders given by the head of the operation are clearly confident, his voice is fierce, there is no concern that people will be killed after this, who want nothing more than to punish evil, and, quite calmly, he gives the order to shot into human bodies. He repeats it as if inviting a routine exercise, and there is only one moment when he is flustered and gives the strange order:
This was the concern of the head of the operation, and after firing, his gun is thought to have killed two people, after making the plan to change the course of the investigation, he prepared the deception by switching the barrel of the gun with his driver , as he is satisfied that he has finally implemented the wish of the bosses of the third floor of the government building, calls to be "careful with the ammunition".
There is no order from him to take care that innocent people are not killed. That the planned murders will actually happen. He does not turn a blind eye to the killed. They are lying on the road. He is worried about not crossing the fence of the government building, inside of which there are two people still unpunished. He has the only worry, "take care of the ammunition".
I don't know how the families of those barbarically murdered felt, but I understand their constant demand for justice. More than 10 years of left-wing government has been more than enough to clarify many circumstances and events of that fateful day of Albanian pluralism, which delayed the democratization of the country for another decade at least.
Whenever I have stopped at these records it has seemed incredible to me that a high-ranking, trained soldier, who is thought to at least know the rules of his native country, according to which the trigger finger is pulled by a buffalo, because he must thought well of the spilled blood, and he worries that his subordinates are wasting more ammunition than they should. They don't care about the dead.
Indeed, this is the face of power that was and longs to come again. A man may go mad, his damage may be bloody, but the madness of a state is monstrous.
Why did a top soldier of the republic guard suddenly become so cynical in his cruelty? Although a division that passed 13 years, why is it still current, everyday that brings back to human attention not only violence, but much more than that?
In Albania, in 34 years of pluralism, the feeling of inviolability has been cultivated by the two political parties that have alternated in power. Everyone has believed that they are untouchable and above the law. Exceptions have been few and far between, just enough to prove the unwritten rule.
The opposition, which intends to come to power, although it is convinced that this is impossible to happen, cultivates, even to this day, the feeling of force over justice, over other powers. When he cannot succeed through corruption, then he uses force, or, the preaching of violence.
Almost every night, from the balcony of the eighth floor, in an alley, which even the opposition doesn't know why they call "the street of hope", is the same sermon of violence, collisions, force, crushing and time for unchecked power . It is the same rhetoric as that of January 21, the same scenario and the same prediction of what their power will be in the future.
It is not that this language of violence and force has not had an impact. There is a big gap between the accusations brought against former minister Ilir Beqja, who is in prison, and, on the other hand, the accusations against Jamarbër Malltez. The investigation against the second, who is the son-in-law of the Berisha family, moreover with two-way financial policy ties, constitutes much greater doubts than the one involving the former minister Beqja. But while the first is in prison, the other is at home. Moreover, although under house arrest, the norms of this arrest are broken whenever he feels like it. A person placed under house arrest must go to the courtroom accompanied by police forces, even a single policeman, which is not the case with Berisha's son-in-law.
The language of violence, force, threat appears even among the youngest members of the opposition, who know very well that it cannot be acceptable in any other way, apart from this appearance. A big loser in Tirana's municipal elections, burning car tires, threatens the policeman on duty, "wait until I come to power". A riosh in politics like Gazmend Bardhi sticks his chest out, as in a theatrical performance, and threatens several generations. He swears, shouts, throws his jacket like a mafia boss, threatens again...and waits for the moment of power. The same one who in the last elections created the vote guarding detachment, as a paramilitary force, the same as Sesel's or Arkan's. Justice is silent.
Can it be known which law, which Constitution allows the creation of parallel armed groups, which move through the cities, stop people, vehicles, control, fight, and, in the end, kill? Which law prevents the new justice to investigate how these armed groups were established, on the basis of which decision, who was their leader, who financed them, who provided them with the tools, who they consisted of. Because it is quite possible that those who killed on January 21, or who "took care of the ammunition", will be part of them, not far, but after a year, in the next political elections. If SPAK does not investigate, send for trial the armed criminal groups and their leaders, who take human lives and incite crime, then what will they investigate and judge?
I did not accidentally bring the example at the beginning of this article. Violence against justice is a motive of dark forces. It is easier for SPAK to investigate parts of today's government, since no one threatens them, no one incites crime in their lives, on the contrary, they support them, at least publicly.
But still in their consciousness, the overwhelming part of SPAK, even if they continue to be always supported by important international institutions, is the feeling of fear, even if involuntary.
Large files related to important opposition figures wait in drawers, but are opened only slightly, drag on, or are finally closed altogether.
Because there is still that unscrupulous example of a senior military leader, who, while innocent people were being killed, called out "watch the ammunition". (DAY)
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