FLASH
Shkruar nga Preç Zogaj
Either win or leave! This was the new verdict of Ritsthelim for the leader of the DP.
It bears the number 45 in the statute of the Re-establishment of the DP, approved amidst cheers at the 'Air Albania' stadium on December 11, 2021. It speaks of the Party Chairman. It says: "If, after the announcement of the results of the general elections for the Assembly, the Party does not result in a winning governing force, the mandate ends immediately and automatically due to the Statute. In this case, the chairman whose mandate ends is not allowed to run in the subsequent elections for party chairman."
The wording in question represented a major change from the previous statute, where the president's departure remained at his discretion even if he lost the election irrevocably. From this perspective, the delegates on the stadium steps had every right to cheer. It was like a celebration of a new tomorrow with new democratic norms, with equal primaries for all candidates, with factional discourse, with elite turnover and, the icing on the cake, with the president's departure in case of defeat.
There was also room for all-encompassing humor. The burden for the joke of this format could not but fall on the master of the work. Who, commenting on Article 46, said: This will be called the "Basha article". The ovations and laughter were meaningless, in fact, since the re-establishers had finished working with Basha, they had dismissed him. But there was a meaning in the light of the result that the DP had achieved in the elections that year: the departure of the chairman was taxing even if it had come close to victory, even if it had obtained a result among the best in the history of the party such as forty percent, even if it had remained together with the other sister opposition party, the LSI of Monika Kryemadhi, only 37 thousand votes away from the SP.
Either win or leave! This was the new verdict of Ritsthelim for the leader of the DP.
Promises, narratives, beautiful words in politics and more cannot avoid the moment of encountering the truth. In the case of the Berisha Re-establishment of the DP, it has now become clear how the beautiful definitions of diversity and factions ended, what happened to the primaries, where the solemn promises for a winning, larger and more united party ended, which has resulted significantly smaller than the unfounded one of Lulzim Basha four years ago in an electoral terrain even more undermined than that of May 11, 2025.
Now it is time to meet with Article 46. From a formal point of view and according to the DP statute, the article is activated after the final announcement of the election results by the CEC. Their certification district by district is nearing completion, with very few official complaints from the DP to this institution, as stated by its leader, Ilirjan Celibashi.
The opposition has a duty to collect and appeal evidence of irregularities, manipulations and vote buying. It is assumed that with the numerous commissioners and observers on the ground, the opposition will have collected a considerable amount of evidence to appeal within the time allowed by law to the official appeal institutions, such as the KAS and the Electoral College.
The complaint itself is proof of the collected evidence. The truth of which is proven by the arbitrator, third parties. Outside of the evidence, everything remains rhetoric, fixation. However, the opposition can continue to search for evidence even after the appeal deadlines have expired. True evidence always speaks, is judged at any time.
From this point of view, Berisha can postpone the implementation of Article 4 of his statute even after the final announcement of the election results by the CEC. Correct, mandatory in fact, would be to convene the National Assembly that approved that statute. To amend or completely repeal the resignation article. Without doing this, Berisha would be automatically dismissed and would remain at the head of the DP in conditions of flagrant illegality.
The law is the implementation, not the formulation, says a well-known sentence. The history of the leadership of the DP, whether by Berisha or Basha, is full of cases when this party has violated what it wrote and done what it did not write. If we add to the previous cases the farce of the primaries or the violation of Article 46 of the statute in force, it turns out that Berisha re-established the worst tradition of invisibility in the DP, which was considered overcome by himself in the first decade of this century. But which was brought back to the scene in a bad period for him, when he needed the party at all costs as a shield for his troubles.
This motive of December 2011 is still valid, and has even been reinforced by the difficulties that Berisha is facing in breaking into the US with expensive lobbying by the new administration of President Trump or with the ongoing judicial process. It means that he will never implement Article Four with his own hand. Even if he is wrong.
Finally, for the enjoyment of my readers this weekend, I would like to attach to this article parts of a brilliant essay on the invisibility of the Soviet-era Russian-Jewish writer, Vitaly Grozman.
Grozman writes in the book "Everything Passes":
"These people are physiologically deprived of scruples, and whoever has no scruples does not believe in anything, cannot. Whoever has no scruples is guided in his actions only by predestination and circumstances."
They are cynical people, without religion or atheism, because even atheism is a religion.
They are people who know neither truth nor error, error being the supreme disease of a searching mind.
Their morality is amorality; they adhere only to empirical-transitory circumstances in function of the needs of the moment. As soon as practical needs change, as soon as they are convinced that the ideological tricks they have conceived do not help them to maintain the position they have gained, they deny without embarrassment or shame, even with an unimaginable ease, their own laws, just like the agreements they have solemnly signed.
He had in mind Lenin, Stalin and their followers.
Lini një Përgjigje