FLASH
Shkruar nga Ylli Pata
Both major groups, except for a few cases, did not have as much opportunity to suppress the new opposition and enter it into the race as has happened in the past.
The ongoing feud between the two exponents of the new opposition, Adriatik Lapaj and Endri Shabani, is nothing more than a political consequence of what they sowed in the political season that ended on May 11.
It was the most favorable time and opportunity that, perhaps for the only time, they had the opportunity to fill the huge gap in the Albanian political demographics.
A majority seeking a fourth term and an opposition plagued by isolation and daily missteps offered a "golden space" that new parties or groupings were unable to fill.
There are many theories about the reasons why these groups failed to penetrate on May 11, and there will undoubtedly be debate about this in the future. However, the main factor seems to be the lack of a strategic vision, a deep look at where and what they wanted to achieve in stages, at least in broad outlines put on paper.
Why was this time the golden opportunity for the new wing of politics to break through? Because on the one hand, Edi Rama had a clear plan to get his votes inside the country and in the diaspora, with the possibility of increasing them among social groups such as women or young voters, and on the other hand, Sali Berisha wanted to hold on to the primacy of the first opposition party as much as possible. Both major groups, except for one case, did not have as much opportunity to suppress the new opposition and enter it into the race as has happened in the past.
Albania, since 1990, has not only had Sali Berisha's DP and Fatos Nano's SP at first and then Edi Rama's.
Both within these major forces, but also across the political spectrum in the country, there has been a vast rainbow of colors and names that have competed and thrived in the Albanian political arena. On the left, on the right, but above all in the center.
There have been politicians who have fought strong battles, and characters who, even though they did not receive votes, have left a historical mark on the political arena in the country.
As for statistics, and not only that, Albania had the first Balkan party that had an environmental cause - Namik Hoti's Ecological Party. who as a super-likable character in the public, has left a unique legacy. Meanwhile, politicians like Sabri Godo, Skënder Gjinushi, Neritan Ceka, but also many others fought strong political battles, which have influenced the course of the country's history.
In 1994, the Socialist Party was a political force severely hit by the imprisonment of Fatos Nano, it did not have the strength to impose itself on a violent establishment that Saliu I created.
Por, si partia më e organizuar në vend, u arrit që së bashku me parti të majta e të djathte të rrëzonin Sali Berishën në referendumin për Kushtetutën.
Në atë betejë: patën një fuqi të rëndësishme politike republikanët e Godos, që e kundërshtonin projektin berishjan për pronat, socialdemokratët e Gjinushit e PAD e Cekës, që kundërshtonin pushtetin e përqendruar në një dorë. Partitë tradicionale të së djathtës Balli dhe Legaliteti, po ashtu ishin kundër. Të gjithë u bënë bashkë, edhe pse nuk kishin në krye një lidership. Arrritën pa Facebook e Tik-Tok, me një televizion shtetëror që ishte kryer në Salitv, që të mobilizonin votuesit, kur administrate zgjedhore kontrollohej nga Berisha dhe SHIK-u i Gazidedes.
Ishin partitë e së djathtës tradicionale, së bashku me republikanët e Godos, që në Shkodër, bastionin e Sali Berishës, nuk patën aspak kompleks të bashkoheshin me socialistët në tetorin e vitit 1996. Atëherë kur Berisha ishte më i fuqishëm se kurrë dhe kishte me vete fuqinë më të madhe financiare; firmat piramidale. Në Shkodër arritën të fitojnë, duke nisur kështu greminën politike të PD-së që ndodhi një vit më pas.
Mbijetesa e partive të “vogla” ishte mjaft e vështirë në një terren abraziv dhe shtypës nga të mëdhenjtë. Të cilët krijuan legalisht dhe jo legalisht i kontrollonin partitë e vogla për t’i përdorur si satelitë e jo si aleatë. Sistemi elektoral ishte edhe atëherë i pafavorshëm. Mazhoritar me balotazh, ku beteja zhvillohej si duel direkt e dy pjesë, ku logjikisht hynin si favoritë të mëdhenjtë.
Pas zgjedhjeve të vitit 1997, ku i ndjeri Leka Zogut i iku zogu fatal nga duart në ditën më të favorshme për të, skena politike u bë më e egër.
PS e Fatos Nanos, i përdori aleatët politikë për të pasur më shumë pluralizëm në qeverisjen e tij, si PSD si PAD, merrnin nga hapësira politike e zonave të majta. E kishin të pamundur të hapnin livadhin e tyre, pasi elektoratin ja jepte me qira PS-ja. Djathtas ishte e njëjta gjë, Sali Berisha vuri pas 1997 rregullin, duke ndaluar depërtimin e përparimin e Ballit, Legalitetit dhe Partisë Republikane, duke përdorur të famshmen aksionë “përça e sundo”.
Ndërkaq, në mazhorancë sherri brenda PS-së ndërmjet Fatos Nanos e Ilir Metës, paralizoi komplet aleatët e vegjël. Partia Socialdemokrate e Skënder Gjinushit u përça nga Ilir Meta dhe disa qarqe politike jo në Tiranë, duke nxjerrë një forcë të re politike. PAD u shkërmoq avash-avash, me një garë se kush shkon i pari në prehrin e doktorit. Partia Republikane e Godos humb si xhaferi simiten me largimin e “plakut dinak”. Fatmir Mediu, e shkriu partinë që nga baza me infrastrukturën e PD-së. Kjo që nga megadushku i 2005-s, që i dha kreut të PR një post fiks ministri.
The emergence of the LSI then led the political scene into an aggressive turn. Where the headline came from the "Kingmaker" who should have been only one, Ilir Meta. who, in order to maintain that difficult position, made a pact with the son of all the demons of this politics. Whoever emerged as a new actor was ruthlessly suppressed, as happened with Kreshnik Spahiu's Red-Black Alliance, which was mercilessly executed in the 2013 elections.
And here we are today, truly "Kingmaker" is in a bad place, as if to show the wrong and fruitless model of a certain policy.
And yet, the new opposition on May 11 was seeking a kingmaker role, as Adriatik Lapaj bluntly stated in a video that he would never form a coalition with Edi Rama, who according to him would not receive 71 mandates, and would therefore be dependent on Tiku's deputies.
Rama not only received 71, but achieved a near absolute majority, winning 83 mandates, while the one who thought of becoming a kingmaker barely entered the new Parliament.
This is a heavy defeat, as a historic opportunity was squandered. All because only the kingmaker model was considered, and not a political project that, as is known, has a whole process ahead of it to be conceived, born, raised and then to pass the age of maturity. In reality, they had a chance to start a marathon, but this chance passed them by, without even realizing it...
Lini një Përgjigje