FLASH
Shkruar nga Skënder Minxhozi
He returned to his "origin" as soon as the result began to take shape, using the usual red-handed language, threats, curses and the most serious insults against Rama and others. He returned to the Berisha we have always known, offensive, arrogant and dismissive.
Rarely has the distance between the parties in an electoral process been so clear and non-negotiable. A full 33 parliamentary mandates separate the country's two largest parties today after the May 11 elections. This balance of power can only be compared to the elections of the first decade of pluralism, those of 1992-1997, when the race was not simply a power relay but a real upheaval in two very difficult and complex contexts.
This result has made the situation within the main opposition even more dramatic than before. If Lulzim Basha and Monika Kryemadhi won 63 mandates in 2021, today the Berisha and Meta opposition has only 50 of them. A reality of numbers that has made Sali Berisha and his loyalists aggressive and in denial, as the Central Election Commission continues to certify the results in the 12 districts.
A Berisha who sometimes appears calm and in a good mood, and sometimes threatening and defiant, is the profile of the old opposition leader after May 11. Someone sees this attitude as a theater of the moment behind which is hidden the satisfaction of the mandates won. Someone else considers it as a ambivalent attitude due to the difficulty he finds himself in, with a weakened situation in the Assembly and a judicial process that is preparing to begin while the non grata status remains unchanged. However, this is a different Berisha from the one we saw during the campaign that just ended.
Also due to the instructions and strategy of American consultants, Sali Berisha behaved during the campaign without the poisonous language that he usually uses whenever there are elections. He returned to his "origin" as soon as the result began to take shape, using the usual red-flag language, threats, insults and the most serious insults against Rama and others. He returned to the Berisha that we have always known, offensive, arrogant and dismissive.
There were many reasons that pushed the Doctor to follow a calm trajectory before the elections. Beyond the advice of Lacivita and others, he remained stoic in the hope of receiving some kind of signal from Washington. He paid millions of dollars to get an invitation, a lifting of the non grata status or a message from someone close to Donald Trump. He promised everything, avoided epithets and insults for Edi Rama even when he called him "owl" and "swamp", he temporarily put the threats in a drawer. A model Berisha, at a very delicate moment, where victory and defeat stood next to each other. A Berisha who surpassed himself and endured with his mouth closed and ears open towards America.
Post-May 12, when Vora's votes at first and then those of the entire territory began to shape an epochal defeat, marked a strong return to the origins. Berisha reappeared with "science fiction" accusations, with his accusations of taking everyone and everything by the mouth, with the most unthinkable theses that, as usual, come to his ears from the digital citizen. Above all, the Doctor who does not know what resignation and reflection, self-criticism and retreating are, returned among us. Now he is no longer a politician but a missionary. Not even Lacivita, despite Trump's staff, would find a more practical solution to perpetuate himself in the mayor's office, even if they were thought about for a month in a row!
Berisha is trying to give a mystical dimension to his political career in the face of a profound and unforgivable defeat. He is telling Albanians that he is no longer a politician who follows the rules of the game, but a missionary who obeys only God. In other words, he is telling those who voted for him and the rest of us that after this heavy defeat he suffered on May 11, two things will happen: first, he will not resign from the post of leader of the Democratic Party, and second, he will no longer obey the party statute and the logic that says that the loser leaves, but will treat himself as a completely special case, exceeding party norms and silently defying the flood of calls for his departure.
With this approach, Berisha also throws into the trash the famous article on the removal of the party leader after losing the elections, which he once jokingly called the "Basha article." It is not known whether he will at least agree to call that point of the statute the "Berisha article" from now on!
Sali Berisha's behavior after May 11 is a clawing at the chair, out of time, out of logic and out of all the rules and canons that keep a democratic political force on its feet in a democratic system of standards. If during the campaign he somehow restrained himself from slipping into the classic multi-year format that he has taught us to see, today there is no longer any major factor that can contain and suppress the absurdity that lives within Berisha and his close staff regarding the elections and the capture of the DP.
Anyone who thinks today that Berisha is a happy man with the result he achieved on May 11 may be seriously mistaken. The figure of 50 deputies manages to put all the loyalists that Berisha would like to have with him "for a bad day" behind him, but this representation figure is too anemic to have a first-rate political weight in Albanian politics and the institutions that stem from it. Edi Rama is very close to the magic number 84 in the Assembly, which ensures the voting of laws with a qualified majority. If it comes to the PS, it would have received the result of 2021, that is, 74 mandates, the votes of the DP would be essential for any consensus of this level. On the other hand, four deputies of new parties, not counting the 3 mandates of Doshi's PSD, are a space of votes over which the Doctor has no control and influence, which makes his position in parliament even more complex.
With 50 MPs in the next four years, he will have enough fuel to call his Monday supporters to arms when he is summoned to SPAK, but he will not have much weight to exercise the influence he would like to have in the palace of politics. Even less to exert sufficient pressure on the judiciary at a very delicate moment for him and his family. May 11 offered a short list of mandates, which is why Berisha is in such a difficult position today, when he is being asked to leave even by the candidates he included in the lists of MPs.
This reality will make Berisha even less flexible and open to the new conditions he finds himself in. What is coming for the DP is even worse than what we have seen before the May 11 elections. Therefore, May 12 is the moment for someone, sometime and somewhere within the Democratic Party, to stand up and speak, looking Berisha in the eye, to tell him that he is leading the party into a dead end by not resigning.
After winning only 7 municipalities out of 61 in the local elections two years ago, after undermining the opposition by provoking the birth of half a dozen new opposition parties that should have been allies of the DP in principle, after winning 13 fewer MPs than Basha on May 11, Sali Berisha is saying today that he has no intention of leaving the leadership of the DP. The post-May 12th alone is enough to say "enough" to the endless reign of the Doctor, who is entrenched in the chair of the mayor!
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