FLASH
Shkruar nga Lorenc Vangjeli
Both Rama and Berisha know that the history of these last 15 years in Albania would have been completely different without that criminal and senseless massacre on the boulevard.
It seems like a paradox. It seems like an impossibility. Theoretically, it borders on the unbelievable. But at the same time, it is also a logical possibility that, due to completely different circumstances and interests, the two political extremes in the country, Rama and Berisha, could be united by a common interest in "playing a little" with the instability of the country.
The second, who is the first interested party in this logical equation, is of course Berisha. After two protests with a defined direction and scenography, the opposition leader wants the country to slide into instability. This would be the ideal moment for the opposition to refactor into the political game of the country's daily life. Because in the efforts to renormalize the situation, the opposition would be the interlocutor in the negotiations for a solution. Where undoubtedly, according to the ridiculous tradition of Albania, the international factor would also be the invited arbitrator at the table. This has not happened in Albania for almost a decade. For the opposition, any change, however modest, from the losing Status Quo to the current Status Quo would be positive.
Powerless in the Assembly, with a large electoral difference from the SP, unable to benefit politically from the spiral of criminal entanglements that the majority has entered, frustrated by the dilemmas about its stance towards SPAK and still trying to break the old international isolation, mainly the American and British non grata, for the opposition this would be the ideal solution. It has its shoulders crossed against the wall and is unable to take a single step back even when it seems to take a timid step of cooperation with the position.
This is one way to explain the orchestrated and staged violence at the end of two consecutive protests this winter. This tactic, apart from an adrenaline injection for the militants, is a poorly disguised attempt to draw the majority into a spiral of violence as a counter-response. The third protest of February 20 is expected to culminate in the same way or even with the escalation of violence and resistance in the square. In this way, to move towards Berisha's dream and nightmare of having his own January 21. Both Rama and Berisha know that the history of these last 15 years in Albania would be completely different without that criminal and senseless massacre on the boulevard. So if one seeks the return to Tirana of the ghost of that Black Friday, but now from the position of the victim, the other knows that he should never take the place of the former aggressor.
The first, who is the second interested party in this logical equation, is Rama. After a victory on the verge of the impossible and of an epic scale, normality and the logical course of events, paradoxically, seem not to be in the prime minister's interest. Contrary to what was thought and precisely because of the depth of his personal triumph in the last elections, Rama did not carry out his plan of catharsis of his camp. The almost complete renewal of the parliamentary group with new people without criminal records on their backs was not accompanied by the same scheme in the government. The Rama 4 government is identical to Rama 3, even though the prime minister was well aware of the series of problems with SPAK that were expected to have, as is happening, a significant part of his cabinet. His deputy Balluku is the most significant point of his inaction when he could have given up yesterday what he does not have today to keep. Instead, he opened several battle fronts without any particular significance. The tour of the country's municipalities, the action to demolish tents and illegal constructions, even if they were necessary, had no urgency. Rama used surgical bandages instead of medicine for the future wounds that are opening in the body of his majority. He turned a blind eye to the consequences while mocking the cause.
Even the course of the clash with justice, at the very least, is delayed and more a defect of not addressing the problem in time, than an attempt to solve it. In this sense, a possible and controlled instability of the country's situation would give him the opportunity to take up the fireman's shoulder blades to extinguish it. It would give him the opportunity to stigmatize his opponent once again as violent, as a mess that has fallen to his lot and a feather quilt to cover the troubles of the day. In a possible international arbitration, he would enter with many winning cards in hand, but mainly not because of his power put into question, but of the powerlessness of his opponent that is accepted without any discussion.
Although this "marriage" of interests seems like an impossible paradox and borders on the unbelievable, fortunately there is a red line that separates the two sworn enemies. The two most powerful people in the Republic of Zeqiland are fortunately divided by an absolute conviction: Tear gas can be thrown at demonstrators with Molotov cocktails, pressurized water, or a rubber baton can be thrown at their backs, but the prime minister's office will never fire live ammunition at them. Otherwise, Hatay becomes king and Albania, a desperate kingdom!
Lini një Përgjigje