FLASH
Shkruar nga Lea Ypi
On Thursday, February 12, philosopher Lea Ypi gave her inaugural lecture at the Collège de France, where she is invited to the chair “The Invention of Europe through Languages and Cultures.” She proposed a response to the irrationality that, according to her, has engulfed the world, by reconsidering socialism as an “aspiration for the fullest realization of freedom,” a key concept of the Enlightenment tradition...
We live in turbulent times. The president of the world’s most powerful military writes to the prime minister of an allied country that, while his country “has decided not to award him the Nobel Peace Prize,” he no longer feels “obliged to think only about peace.” A tech mogul uses his platform to support far-right parties that incite racism and violence against immigrants. The leaked emails of a wealthy financier accused of sex trafficking reveal a global network of corruption, abuse of power, and manipulation of vulnerable people.
Is there a word that sums up this period? We could call it the Age of Irrationalism. It stands in opposition to the Age of Reason – to the Enlightenment. According to its most famous definition, the Enlightenment means the emergence of man from a state of dependence for which he himself is responsible. Today, this dependence takes new forms: political conformism, the uncontrolled influence of public figures on social networks, the delegation of decision-making to algorithms.
Why does the irrationality persist? How can we regain the courage to think independently? As an alternative, what is called “moral socialism” is proposed. Those who feel uncomfortable with the term “socialism” may prefer “liberal egalitarianism,” “radical democracy,” or some other similar concept. The term is less important than the content: what is essential is to identify the same phenomena and aim for the same direction of change.
The word “capitalism” comes from “capital”. The word “socialism” comes from the Latin socius, meaning “comrade” or “friend”. Morality is primarily concerned with relationships between people. A society that bases these relationships on the relationship to things creates a fundamental tension. Capitalism, as a system based on private ownership of the means of production, on the pursuit of profit and on the exchange between paid labor and capital, calls into question the concept of freedom that lies at the heart of the Enlightenment tradition. “Moral socialism” aims at the fullest realization of freedom under the conditions of globalized capitalism.
We only need to look at our phone screens to understand the reality of the system we live in. Every app through which we communicate, order food, read books, listen to music, travel or organize vacations belongs to a private company. Even the device that contains these apps is produced by a private company. Capitalism is structured on private property, the profit motive and the relationship between capital and labor.
The reflection on “moral socialism” arises from the dual confrontation with the failures of the state socialisms of the 20th century and the shortcomings of real capitalism. Post-communist societies continue to confront the legacy of the past. In some liberal democracies, meanwhile, the debate on socialism takes place without a full analysis of the historical experience of state socialism. This avoidance has contributed to the crisis of the left, the rise of the far right, and the deepening of the divisions between East and West in Europe.
Necessary universalism
We need to restore an analysis of society based on reason, critical capacity, and a concept of freedom that connects different projects into a common narrative. The Enlightenment today faces criticism from various directions. The right sees critical thinking and the courage to think independently as a threat to authority. Part of the postcolonial left associates the Enlightenment with the domination, brutality, and paternalism of European powers.
This criticism contains elements of truth. The universalism of the Enlightenment was often used to justify colonialism in the name of civilization and progress. Intellectuals who proclaimed universal rights often excluded colonized peoples from their implementation. However, a distinction must be made between the instrumentalization of ideals and the moral core of the project. Liberation movements used the language of freedom and equality to demand the application of universal principles to themselves. The problem was not universalism itself, but its double and exclusionary application.
Abandoning universalism in favor of cultural particularism offers no solution. Reducing global conflicts to differences between civilizations prevents the analysis of structural injustices that transcend national borders. The necessary universalism must acknowledge our common humanity and the reality of global structures that determine who has access to resources, who bears the costs of production, and who is granted freedom.
The four pillars of "moral socialism"
First , a more comprehensive way of diagnosing conflicts is required, analyzing how freedom of action is constrained at the global level. Environmental crises, technological regulation, market failures, and political authoritarianism have an international dimension and require equally broad responses.
Second , the Enlightenment represents a philosophy of crisis. It arose in a period of great upheaval and aimed to establish reason as the foundation of social critique. The return of this project implies the distinction between universal goals and particular interests.
Third , we must restore the concept of reason as universal legislation. We must avoid both the skepticism that paralyzes faith in man and the dogmatism that excludes criticism of authority and ideological manipulation.
Fourth , reflection must be conducted in a perspective of peace. The international institutions created after the Second World War were inspired by a spirit of cosmopolitan cooperation. In the conditions of global capitalism, isolation within nation-states is not enough. Relations of exploitation transcend borders and rely on the division of the world into competing units.
A “moral socialism” with serious claims must have cosmopolitan scope. It must not focus only on guaranteeing freedoms within existing states, but also on transforming the global structures that determine the distribution of resources, the burden of costs, and the real weight of freedom. The issue is not only related to the way individuals treat each other, but also to the way institutions are organized, so as not to make it inevitable to treat the other as a means rather than an end in itself. / Adapted from “Pamfleti” by “Le Monde”
Uaaaaa shoqeria civile. 4te paafte qe e mbajne veten per te gjitheditur..
Bqs ske shoq civ, do perplasesh sa te rama sa te berisha sa te tiku apo noi tjt, siç po ndodh aktualisht
Shoqeria civile, qe ne fakt jane bijte dhe niperit e llastuar te Rames apo Berishes, nuk eshte e afte te jape zgjidhje per asgje.. Perfundon, per merzi apo per uri, ne krahet apo shalet e partive dhe korrupsionit qe mbyt Shqiperine
Shume interesante dhe me një trajtim logjik e aktual për kohën kur jetojmë, ka inetese njihen këto mendime në auditorët universitare
Uaaaaaa pu pupuuuuuu çfarë idjoteeeee . Epo se do të mbronte një vajzë nga familja gjoja e persekutuar kaq shumë për socializmin, një sistem që dështoi nuk e kam imagjinuar kurrë. Jo se jam simpatizante e kapitalizmit sepse edhe ky vetëm është i dështuar. Unë i them kësaj Ypit se as socializmi dhe as kapitalizmi nuk mund të jetojnë dhe të triumfojnë pa njëri tjetrin në një shoqëri. Se pa gërshetimin e ekonomisë së tregut me socialen nuk mund të kemi shoqëri të shëmdoshë. Kjo është rruga e vetme e ekzistencës dhe mbarëvajtjes së një shoqërie me virtyte njerëzore.
Lea Ypi nuk eshte idiote @Atdheu, por ajo di me shume se ti ekonomi dhe politike.
Lea,filozofe ,socializmi eshte vertetuar si deshtim,jo vetem ne shqiperi,por kudo tjeter.Filozofia ne te vertete eshte ashtu,por eshte utopi.Edhe mbrenda familjes kur ndahet supa ,ka pakenaqesi sepse dikujt i duket ndarja jo e drejte. Kushtetuta universiale duhet te jete sheriati islam,i pasuruar me dukurite e kohes
O idiot funksional kuptoni thelbin dhe mos flisni mbroçkulla. Lea eshte teper racionale dhe plot argumenta ne opinionin e saj. Ky lloj kapitalizmi eshte sistem qe stimulon pabarazine e theksuar midis shtresave te shoqerise , stimulon korrupsionin zyrtar dhe etjen per mbajtjen me cdo cmim te pushtetit nga gangsteret politik si Rama e Berisha. Ka nevoje per elemente te socializmit modern etj qe Lea i ka trajtuar plot vertetesi. Pse i fshehuri pas "Rokut" dhe e fshehura pas "Atdheut" nuk kane tru per te kuptuar, nuk eshte faji i Leas. Injorante mos harxhoni kohe me leximin, aq me shume mos harxhoni kohe me komentimin se jeni vemje bastarde te logjikes.