Anyone who thinks fascism was defeated for good in the mid-20th century should look no further than Minneapolis and other American cities. In Donald Trump's America - and perhaps soon elsewhere - fascism's strategies require very little updating.
Imagine if the fascists, whom we thought we had defeated forever in the middle of the last century, had deposited a plan in some safe - a testament to their spiritual heirs, determined to make fascism "great" again.
What would that plan mean? It would start with a strategy copied from the left: it would recommend cracking down on “crony capitalism.” So we would have a copy of the left’s arguments against the corrupt financial sector and the role of central banks in supporting it.
Then, criticize the electoral system as a structure that relies on two factions of the same oligarchic or “one-party” regime. After that, target the state, claiming that it is placed solely at the service of Big Business.
At the same time, it repeats the neoliberal slogan, presenting itself as more neoliberal than Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan combined. It calls civil servants “lazy” who exploit the working class, thus creating a divide between public and private sector employees.
To create a movement, unite the victims of neoliberalism with people who cherish a nostalgic memory of Thatcher or Reagan. To turn everyone against the neoliberal centrists, expose as “Marxists” those who have neutralized the left – leaders like Tony Blair and Bill Clinton.
To strengthen this alliance, promise the people a return to an imaginary “Golden Age.” Talk as much as possible about a “National Renaissance” that requires the defeat of both the decadent bourgeoisie and the “traitorous” left.
Above all, never underestimate the power of the cult of racial purity. No one, of course, is “pure.” We are all bastards. But people can be swept up in a wave of enthusiasm if you portray their cities as filled with dangerous foreign influences (Trump prefers the word “parasites”) and promise to clean up the “filth” that is spreading like a virus in the community.
The “unclean” could be Jews, Muslims, transgender people—anyone who can be stigmatized at low cost. This requires infecting the souls of the deprived with a moral panic: the fear that they are being replaced by people even more miserable than themselves.
Then, and only then, can you promise to make them “great again.” As your fascist coalition takes shape, animate it with misogyny and promises that a Great Leader—a wise father—will establish order in the “national house.”
By doing this, you blame “woke” feminism for men’s inability to maintain order, while hiding the real causes: austerity measures, housing insecurity, and cuts to education and healthcare.
Instead, offer a simple social contract: We will take care of you and make you proud again. In return, give us absolute power. Portray the nation as a battalion at war, where disobedience is an existential threat.
Proclaim an endless process of militarization and support gigantic defense budgets. At the same time, denounce the left-liberal “cabal” that seeks global governance.
To seize power, exploit the fact that conservatives and centrists fear the left more than you. Embrace ultra-Zionism to “wash away” your Nazi legacy.
Once you are secure, push your allies aside and take complete control. Once you come to power, ban immigration and declare that there are only two genders to show "seriousness".
Create a Praetorian Guard to move people off the streets into virtual camps or colonies. Behind the scenes, collaborate with the financial and tech oligarchs you once criticized.
Implement Gleichschaltung (synchronization): fire public employees and steal citizens' data for surveillance. Pardon your criminals and attack universities and courts.
And if all else fails, be sure to leave an updated plan for the next generation. Because as long as the wealth of the few depends on the poverty of the many, fascism will always be “necessary.”
Note: Yanis Varoufakis is a former Minister of Finance of Greece, leader of the MeRA25 party, and professor of economics at the University of Athens.
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