FLASH
Shkruar nga Lorenc Vangjeli
Everyone, including Berisha, Basha, Meta, Bardhi, knows that the chances of winning the elections are more than modest. White himself is playing for the black day of the fourth defeat to be the Doctor's successor. Having failed three times with Basha, his son, at least for the moment, Berisha seems to be betting on his grandson, the third generation in the aging PD.
The chief radical of the past, Lulzim Basha, replaced the hybrid radical of today, Sali Berisha. After Alibeaj was fired from the electoral reform commission, Basha has no other chance but to take the radical's vacant place in politics. At this time when comparisons with fruit are in fashion, he knows that he has become the lemon of politics: unnecessary for the champagne that Rama is about to open and unacceptable for the bitter-ending dessert of chef Bardhi, with Berisha's recipe. Basha serves only as the mistake from which others should learn. If they have even the minimum of political intelligence.
Times have changed, but they are still the same actors who have been for two decades, without flourishing in between and probably, even with the freedom not to include Ilir Meta. There are only two. Edi Rama on one side and Sali Berisha opposite. Now the rules of the game are discussed, the result of which, without any bitter surprise for one side, has no surprise for the other side. The result seems predetermined. The loser will say the day after the elections: he stole our elections again! The rest is only the history of the future which will resemble the history of the past like two drops of water.
In essence and in form. Very few details change along the way. Until then, Rama has warned that in the absence of votes, the country enters the elections with the current code, while Berisha demands a technical government, which they practically do not give, but they can use it as a carrot to exchange it for the stick of the coalitions. . In fact, Rama is ready to give up everything at this point, he may even accept to temporarily leave his office as prime minister, but only on the condition of entering the elections without coalitions. A trick that foreshadows his fourth electoral victory in the elections. But to get there, at least in shape, the parliament assumed a seemingly normal appearance. The agreement for the return to normality of the parliament has immediately acquired the status of a knife. The knife that divides the attitude into two parts: was it good or bad, who won and who lost from it? The same event, the same arguments with the same actors, are seen in black and white, even when both sides cheer that they have won. In fact, it is something else entirely.
Learning does not become lesson for lesson for the wise. The wise need not err. They usually learn from the mistakes of fools. Politics is one of those crafts that proves such an axiom as an axiom. The stupidity and criminal stupidity of 2019, that kamikaze explosion in the foundations of the system, which indeed killed the assassin, but damaged the system itself, is a classic case of political suicide. The extreme radicalization of Lulzim Basha, the man who carried out what others before him only mentioned as a threat, who did what others after him will not even think about anymore, is a bill that must be paid by the culprits. Part of it, not all of it, was paid in the next election in 2021. Everyone already agrees that the outcome of the elections would have been different if the opposition had not burned the mandates and boycotted the 2019 local elections.
But it didn't end there. Instead of reflection, the opposition against the opposition, at the moment when the majority under the banner of Sali Berisha, chose the same path. But instead of extreme radicalism, for five consecutive months, she chose hybrid radicalization. Insults and flamboyance, shouting matches and shouting as an argument, turned into the nails that held the coffin of parliamentarianism in place, repeating in miniature the same picture as that of five years ago. With the only difference that the opposition MPs continued to be paid in the assembly bill and to be treated and treat themselves as MPs. It is true that at that point they were pushed mercilessly by the majority, which arrogantly limited their freedoms, de-factored oppositional thought and used it as a facade of pluralism. But it is equally true that the glass was filled to overflowing by the action of justice on Sali Berisha. Also, the curly hair of different currents and spirits in the opposition were part of the inspiration for the boycotts and disruption of sessions. The problem is that the medicine that was chosen to cure this disease, in all likelihood, first killed the sufferer itself.
Edi Rama did not lose anything from the confrontation in the Assembly. He passed the budget in the space of a few minutes, avoided the debate on controversial laws - which, however, even in normal times he would have passed anyway - and had the opportunity to point the finger at the opposition as recidivists. A large part of the public, which polls estimate to be up to 40 percent, Albanians who do not like either party, did not find any reason to join the opposition to make that critical majority that endangers the majority. . Their distance from politics, mainly that which claims to be right, deepened even more. The authorities in Albania can change only by encouraging as many Albanians as possible to go to vote, while the stupidity of the opposition did the opposite: it pushed them away. Perhaps the main reason why even for four years she will not be able to lay eyes on the blessed Kaaba of power.
In Tirana, things are never as they seem. The opposition gathered in the "alley of hope" simply realized that with its radicalization it had entered a dead end that led nowhere. She accepted the carrot of investigative commissions, convinced that they will not bring her any political benefit because she simply does not have time. The year remaining until the general elections, or perhaps even less if they are held in mid-autumn this year, and the limited human resources available, is insufficient to do any good work. It's all like that old trick of chickens that somewhere cluck and somewhere else lay the egg. The same as Gaz Bardhi, who is demonstrating the agreement as the golden egg of the opposition, and against him, Lulzim Basha, who shows Bardhi the different use of the chair. However, both are convinced that they will continue to pay the fatal bill of 2019, in the face of a cynical opponent who does not hesitate to use any means in the name of power. Under these conditions, the opposition goes to the 2025 elections only with the hope of "the true fifth", when the defeat will remove Berisha, but not his shadow in the DP and will eliminate the shadow of Basha from the DP. That is, he will wait for the year 2029 without the two people who were united by interest and separated by hatred with opposite interests.
Everyone, including Berisha, Basha, Meta, Bardhi, knows that the chances of winning the elections are more than modest. White himself is playing for the black day of the fourth defeat to be the Doctor's successor. Having failed three times with Basha, his son, at least for the moment, Berisha seems to be betting on his grandson, the third generation in the aging PD.
So, after five months of futile tension in the Assembly that was known to produce nothing, the opposition can recall questions - embedded answers to the early lazy dilemma: Where was he? Nowhere. What did you do? Nothing! Because in front of them, the majority did not need to be wrong. She just waited to learn from the mistakes of the fools in front of her. In the end, Basha was expelled from the Assembly. And Lindita, who did this act, was applauded by everyone, despite the fact that her boss, Rama, has learned more than anyone from his mistakes!
Lini një Përgjigje