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Shkruar nga Pamfleti
From Meloni to Bardella, the far right between moderation and radicalization...
Last weekend, Elon Musk crossed a red line by speaking at a rally in London called “Unite the Kingdom.” Organized by Tommy Robinson, a convicted criminal and anti-Muslim hate preacher, the event drew over 100,000 people, including extremists but also ordinary British citizens who chose to associate themselves with a violent and fringe movement.
Musk has already built ties with strong far-right parties across Europe, not just in Britain. According to him, the continent risks being “overrun by Muslims,” experiencing demographic catastrophe, and being oppressed by corrupt elites.
The solution, according to his vision, are "disruptive" parties that represent the true voice of citizens, of course, white and Christian. Like many in America, Musk imagines a MAGA-type movement that will mobilize the old continent.
However, lumping all far-right forces into one bag is misleading. They share a hatred of immigration and everything related to “woke”, a penchant for conspiracy theories and an extreme aggressiveness on social networks, especially on Musk’s own X platform. But their paths are different. In Italy and France, the far right is showing signs of moderation as it approaches power. In Germany, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) is becoming more radicalized, but remains far from government. Britain is at a turning point: the rally in London showed that extreme ideas are becoming normalized, while the electoral system can give the far right a leg up.
Giorgia Meloni is the only one who has actually achieved power. When she rose in the polls in 2022, European liberals were alarmed that a prime minister with roots in post-fascism could ignite a culture war and cause an economic crisis in the EU. But in government, Meloni has shown herself to be pragmatic: she has been tough but not openly xenophobic on illegal immigration; she has not used the weapon of culture beyond attempts to limit surrogacy; she has respected fiscal discipline, supported Ukraine against Russia and avoided open conflict with Brussels. The calculation is clear: the Italian economy depends on European funds, its market on the EU and bonds from the European Central Bank.
In France, Jordan Bardella, Marine Le Pen's successor and president of her National Rally party, is pursuing a similar path. He, with a more moderate profile, is trying to win the trust of the business world ahead of the 2027 presidential election. His aim is to convince them that a National Rally presidency will not mean financial collapse or a euro crisis. Whether he will keep this promise remains unclear, but the fact that he is seeking to appeal to the establishment is a sign of change.
In Germany, the situation is quite different. The AfD is particularly thriving in the East, where distrust of the state is deep. Its rhetoric is xenophobic and pro-Russian, and the domestic intelligence agency has classified it as “right-wing extremist.” However, the “protective wall” erected by the main parties, who refuse any cooperation with it, has kept it out of power. Although it has gained ground in some local elections, without allies it remains unable to turn the protest into real power. The latest results in North Rhine Westphalia showed its limits: small gains, but no spread beyond its eastern base.
Britain, however, is becoming the new battleground. Nigel Farage, the leader of Reform UK, has distanced himself from Tommy Robinson and violent extremists, and he wisely missed the London rally. But as resentment over immigration grows, Reform’s rhetoric has become more radical, including proposals for mass deportations. The party is polling at around 30%, well ahead of its rivals. Britain’s winner-take-all electoral system could translate this support into a parliamentary majority, although the next election is due in 2029.
Even where the far right is showing signs of moderation, complacency would be a mistake. Bardella still speaks harshly against immigrants. And Europe's real confrontation with strategic challenges, insufficient defense, declining competitiveness, lack of innovation, requires more European integration, something that all nationalist and far right parties oppose.
However, there is a difference between those who want to destroy the system and those who agree to become part of it in order to govern. In Italy and perhaps in France, the far right is discovering that to win and govern, you have to compromise. The continent’s politics are not being crushed by a monolithic bloc. They are being redesigned, unevenly and, we hope, less catastrophically than Musk wants. /Adapted from “Pamphlet” from “The Economist”
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