FLASH
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Labor are the architects of their own success, as well as the beneficiaries of the Tories' downfall.
This weekend, something changed in Britain.
There were no street parties or jubilant scenes to greet the new Labor government, unlike the last time the Labor Party triumphed over long Conservative rule, in 1997.
But as new prime minister Keir Starmer climbed the Downing Street ladder to deliver a new kind of leadership and broke with party tradition with a flurry of expert appointments as future ministers.
People do not expect miracles in this era of economic problems, but they have given change a chance.
But how did the UK go from electing a fourth consecutive Conservative government led by Boris Johnson with a parliamentary majority of 80 seats in 2019 to electing a Labor government with less than a majority five years later?
The Labor party that Keir Starmer was elected to lead in April 2020 collapsed from its fourth defeat and a grueling period under left-wing leader Jeremy Corbyn.
Undaunted, Starmer tried to change Labor to move it from the political extremes to the center of British politics in order to win re-election.
His mission was to return Labor to the service of working people. By doing so, he aimed to gain a parliamentary majority so that he could change Britain in their favour.
Starmer made it a top priority to rid his party of the anti-Semitism that had embarrassed Labour.
Starmer's policy platform shifted to reflect the issues that mattered most to the public rather than the party and to deliver fiscally responsible policies on the cost of living and the National Health Service. It was not all plain sailing, not only because Labor was well behind the Tories when most of the change was happening, but it was necessary if the party was to regain the trust of voters.
Undoubtedly, the Conservatives played a major role in their downfall.
From the Partygate scandal to the Truss/Kwarteng mini-budget to former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak returning from the D-Day memorial for did an interview for the conservative election campaign.
But there is no doubt that Labor are the architects of their success, as well as the beneficiaries of the Tories' downfall.
For the Democrats, the Labor victory offers hope that even with the incumbency factor, the centre-left can win more.
The reality is that in both the UK and the US. Democrats are not only losing white working-class Americans to Republicans, but also black and Hispanic working-class Americans.
Starmer's success shows that you can win to secure a majority, but the party needs to see politics from their perspective.
Of course, both parties need a larger electoral coalition to win, but you can't achieve that coalition without putting the interests of working-class voters at heart.
The Labor Party movement was a critical part of Starmer's strategy, with responsible fiscal policies to promote investment and economic prosperity. But it is a centrist politics that is setting a new agenda for the country, not between the two extremes.
This new centrism, of active industrial policy fueled by private sector innovation, offers hope for the future of parties, but only if it brings lasting change to working people in need.
Starmer has made immigration control and management a political priority, an approach that has not enjoyed universal acclaim but is necessary to show that the centre-left has a better answer to immigration than the populist right.
He should work immediately with the new Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, launching the Border Security Command to manage illegal boat crossings across the English Channel.
Labor sees their victory: a rejection of the Tories, an endorsement of Starmer's changed Labor Party and a chance to change Britain for good.
The transatlantic dialogue between Democrats and Labor has been rekindled with a new generation of politicians, strategists and policy experts.
That dialogue helped fuel this victory, which may also be part of the way forward for Democrats.
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