FLASH
Shkruar nga Ylli Pata
The opposition at that time convinced the opinion that the adoption of a Constitution that has a president with monarchical power, and the organs of repression under his orders, should be prohibited. On the other hand, they offered a quick, urgent, and even intelligent alternative.
As expected, it happened. From yesterday to today, after several serious criminal events, there were reactive reactions from a number of leading opposition leaders and politicians.
Reading their texts, the difference in discourse is very little, except a little in tonality. Where someone has it high, and someone even higher. And with the closing or forgetting of these events, we have a few days off, and then this scenario is repeated again, as soon as an accident, murder or scandal occurs, with certain dimensions.
And again the same thing is repeated. And when it happens that they don't get the right popular support either in protests, or even in media campaigns or social networks, society is blamed, people are blamed, citizens are blamed who, according to them, have no sensitivity.
In fact, all this is a scenario that is repeated and repeated, and no one understands that the culprit here is not the people but this political establishment of the opposition, which is not only unprepared, but does not even know at all what it means to you are a politician of the country's opposition.
This phenomenon is not unique to us, as it also happens in other, even more developed countries. In Kosovo, today we have a government of a political force that has had all its opposition activity as a reactive reaction to every decision or development of the majority. Today, Albin Kurti's government, more than dealing with the real governance of the country, spends the whole day attacking the opponent, but according to a reactive reaction.
In a Western society, reactive response to events, or phenomena, usually occurs by groups and elements of civil society. Which a political opposition channels, offers a political battle to solve open problems.
Agron Gjekmarkaj is the vice-president of the Assembly of Albania, he is the deputy of Lezha district, he is the number two of the DP, as well as a professor of the University of Tirana. He has every opportunity to turn the problems he poses in today's status on the increase of criminality into a political power in the Assembly, by proposing laws, government decisions, ordinances of the Ministry of the Interior, or even administrative acts.
In 1991, the MPs of the first Sheiptian opposition in years were inexperienced. They were a minority and could not influence any vote in Parliament. The majority of Ramiz Ali's party had two thirds of the votes.
But Neritan Ceka, Aleksandër Meksi, Gramoz Pashko, Arben Imami, Preç Zogaj, Teodor Keko, etc., etc., stopped Ramiz Ali from approving in the Assembly the draft of the Constitution that he had prepared to keep the old establishment in power.
The opposition at that time convinced the opinion that the adoption of a Constitution that has a president with monarchical power, and the organs of repression under his orders, should be prohibited. On the other hand, they offered a quick, urgent, and even intelligent alternative. A constitutional package that would serve until the whole society adopted a fundamental law of the new democratic western state.
The majority surrendered because the opposition convinced the public and prepared its proposals. Together with the majority, they approved the Constitutional package, which remained in force until November 28, 1997.
That opposition clashed in parliament with its rivals on the basis of the alternative. Gramoz Pashko fought with the economists of the left with the philosophy of the market against the public, shock therapy, against gradual change. In terms of public order, the DP of 1991 made the first law on the SHIK secret service that is not related to the State Security.
Of course, for many things, the developments were not perfect, starting from SHIK and the re-monarchization of the Presidency. However, they did not have a portable opposition, but a corps of intellectuals who naturally looked to the future leaders of the country. Where the pathetic rhetoric of the panelists at the dinner today resembles agitprop propaganda of the cadets of the Vladimir Ilić Lenin party school in Laprakë.
We have had for years and years organizations and groups that have made the opposition reactive, some from civil society, some from direct or indirect connections with the opposition.
Erion Veliaj's MJAFT was an organization that stirred public opinion in the 2000s. Nor did the organization of Kreshnik Spahi, Altin Goxhaj or many, many characters who have been involved in political debate over the years.
But the political action of an opposition is more than an acid or base plus water reaction, resulting in smoke and fire.
The real opposition politicians were pushed away by Sali Berisha over the years, to sit in the chair on the eighth floor where he is stationed. But it is not only the doctor who is to blame, even in the end everyone knows what he does and why he does it.
Nor Ilir Meta, who also acts as if in a state of emergency. But today there is so much space to act in the opposition airwaves, especially with the monopoly of the majority.
Take Dr. Ilir Alimehmet. What argument is he talking about, he seems to be a future governor. Calm, logical, friendly with the people who address you, educated, and above all with a resolving and non-determining argument. But why don't they choose Dr. Alimehmet as the leader of the opposition? Because it's not portable, and that's exactly why it's so popular!
Lini një Përgjigje