FLASH
Shkruar nga Lorenc Vangjeli
The most serious of which, of course, was the suspension from office. This was a measure that directly affected Edi Rama himself.
Rama's Bela brothers have different portraits. Bela is next. Rama, after seeing Berisha and Meta fall one after another in the gears of justice, after being left with only an opposition with cuckoo oil on the roof, after seeing how justice was taking away former friends that he let go more out of his own grace than the misfortune of others, today he is in the middle of the scene, still without a final answer to the terrifying question that everyone is asking: What will he do with Belinda Balluku?
Initially, there was a spiral of investigations that involved a frightening number of the most important associates under his deputy prime minister. Then the public secret that had been circulating in Tirana for months that a complex criminal investigation had been launched against him became a real fact. Then Mrs. Balluku was taken as a defendant. Further still, Rama saw how the usual public hysteria erupted, when fragments of the files began to be published. And as if to prove once again that evil has no end, the trouble culminated in prohibitory measures against Mrs. Balluku.
The most serious of which, of course, was the suspension from office. Fixed that measure that directly affected Edi Rama himself. Fixed the moment when the prime minister himself had to perform a political and moral act in relation to him. Fixed against the man he himself called "my good witch", as Ahmetaj and Veliaj call him equally, but for different reasons.
A witch or a misunderstood angel, the perfect storm has erupted against the iron lady of the government. The character who until a few weeks ago was not mentioned by name except when she wanted to and as she wanted to, who in the SP was viewed with fear and adoration, while in the DP they attacked her seasonally and selectively; the character who, if not completely approved, had the profound silence of the overwhelming majority of the media, is today at the center of a multiple tsunami, political, legal and moral. Friends in the role of subordinates do not dare to extend their hand because they are not sure how history will go, fluid and useless allies on the left and right are once again checking the messages exchanged with him over the years, some of the biggest businessmen in Albania are urgently accounting for the memory of the public works they have carried out, while the vast majority of the media is in the usual trenches, where interest and not conviction, show the axis where the city is squeezed and where the barrel is directed.
Mrs. Balluku is aware that, as a well-known journalist in Tirana once said, honor has an expiration date, so she has little chance of relying on returning the “honors” she has made. She knows that gratitude, as another journalist says, is a plant that does not grow in Albania and that at best is merely temporary. For this reason, in the match with the storm overhead, she knows that she must count only on herself and not on her false friends and sincere enemies.
The only unknown in this complex equation is the Prime Minister's willingness to act on the one hand and the unknown factional weapons that SPAK has at its disposal and perhaps other non-local factors involved in this story. The interweaving of political, legal, moral and even geopolitical reasoning is a real jungle at the moment, in which very little light has been shed, in a game where not all the actors are known and not all the interested factors have come to light.
To understand the further course of events, one must accept what is rejected with unbearable ease in Tirana: the principle of the presumption of innocence. Although a defendant with serious charges on her back, although it is claimed that the worst is still on its way to her in the form of files with factions, although the traumatized Albanian society is feverishly involved in the next popular trial, Mrs. Belinda Balluku is innocent until the court decides otherwise with a final decision. There is even more.
Even Judas himself, if he lived in today's modern Europe, would deserve a fair, honest, and proper judicial process.
In the previous cases for two former presidents and prime ministers, Berisha and Meta, for her predecessor in office Ahmetaj or the mayor Veliaj, in one way or another, the processes have been poisoned by various sources. They have been named and treated as guilty, and are part of processes deformed from a procedural point of view. Some more and some less, some from the humor of politics and some from the defects of the justice system, some for other reasons, this row of political strongmen is in criminal and personal misfortune.
The case of Mrs. Balluku in this iron prologue of her different history, does not yet make a difference. Even in her case, the system is functioning, despite innovations, the power of tradition, tension, rewritten morality, legal gaps and logical contradictions in laws, ambiguities or even possible defects. The magic principle of democracy for the balance and control of powers is in full tension and ready to be tested.
Ka gjasa jo të pakta që gjykata të bëjë një hap pas në masat e mara ndaj zonjës Balluku. Vendimi i pezullimit nga posti i saj, komplikohet nga këmisha kushtetuese që i jep imunitetin e deputetit që e fiton duke qenë anëtare e qeverisë. Dhe anasjelltas, ministri ka imunitetin e deputetit. Kodi i Procedurës Penale e njeh pezullimin e ushtrimit të detyrës apo shërbimit publik, por “…Kjo masë nuk zbatohet ndaj personave të zgjedhur sipas ligjit elektoral.”. Kapërcimi i këtij momenti, që është rasti i zonjës Balluku, mund të quhet faull në prologun e ndeshjes. Duke pasur të drejtë të kontrollojë pushtetet e tjera, pushteti i sistemit të drejtësisë pushon së ekzistuari kur ndërhyn në vullnetin e popullit të shprehur me votë. Ai nuk mund të shtrihet dhe të kushtëzojë vullnetin e kryeministrit për të ndërtuar kabinetin qeveritar me mandat të shumicës së parlamentit dhe konfirmuar me dekret të presidentit. E thënë thjesht, gjykata nuk ka tagër të pushojë/pezullojë nga puna zonjën Balluku në këtë çast. Punësimi i saj është derivat i vullnetit politik të kryeministrit. Për koincidencë, vendimi i Gjykatës Kushtetuese në rastin e zotit Veliaj që kërkon proporcionalitet në masat e sigurisë ndaj të zgjedhurve, është një arsyetim që duhet të rilexohet edhe njëherë për të kuptuar më mirë se çfarë po ngjet kësaj here.
Edhe kryeministri, ndryshe nga sa i thonë servilët e mirë dhe këshilltarët e këqij, nuk mund të trokasë në këtë fazë të ndeshjes në gjykatën Kushtetuese për interpretim. Gjykata Kushtetuese nuk mund të ndërhyjë në mes të një procesi penal. Me shumë gjasa, ajo do ta refuzojë kërkesën e kryeministrit. E vetmja rrugë për të zgjidhur ngërçin vjen nga vetë funksionimi i sistemit. Brenda pesë ditësh, do të thotë deri të hënën e ardhshme, zonja Balluku duhet të kundërshtojë masat e marra ndaj saj në gjykatë dhe përballë të njëjtit gjykatës.
Ai mund të rikonfirmojë të njëjtat masa shtrënguese e ndaluese ose t’i zbusë ato, por jo t’i forcojë më tej. Në rastin e parë, po brenda pesë ditësh, zonja Balluku ka të drejtë të ankimohet në apel dhe nëse edhe aty rezultati është i njëjti, do të duhet të trokasë në Gjykatën e Lartë. Dhe vetëm mbasi Gjykata e Lartë të jetë shprehur, mund të shkohet në Gjykatën Kushtetuese.
Në rastin e Veliajt, Gjykata Kushtetuese dha një leksion të shumëfishtë dhe goditi në të njëjtën kohë edhe kryeministrin, edhe presidentin, edhe SPAK-un duke thënë në finale: kushtetuetshmërinë e ligjit e përcaktoj vetëm unë! Duke u dëshmuar si garantiste për shtetin e së drejtës, ndarjen e pushteteve dhe respektimin e të drejtave të njeriut. E sidomos, duke rivizatuar kufinjtë mes pushteteve në Shqipëri dhe duke kërkuar zbatimin e kujdesshëm të ligjit penal, në ruajtjen e proporcionalitetit në masat e sigurisë.
On the other hand, in this test of strength and race for time, SPAK remains a great enigma. In the case of the court's reversal, perhaps the reaction of the special prosecutor's office could come not only with new factions of charges, but also by leaving behind the brutality of the axe with the use of a scalpel with a file of a different nature. By going to the parliament with other measures in charge of the iron lady.
The case of Mrs. Belinda Balluku is a case that cannot be explained only by legal or political, moral or traditional reasoning. Only literature can do such a thing by explaining the most devastating dream in the Balkans: Whoever is below can hardly wait for the one who is above to fall; the dream with the expectation that in the downfall of the other, one's own success is projected. In the Socialist Party this is both a dream and a nightmare. That is why it is so important for a society that only two generations ago stoned God by breaking and defiling temples on earth, to get used to the regular, fair and honest legal process. This right is valid for anyone. Even for Judas himself, the whore who betrayed the Son of God on earth.
Po ik o Vangjo, se le nam. Nivel i ulet i shkrimit, tema te pashtjelluara, parrulla patetike.. leru vend te rinjve lepires