
All of his rhetoric, with Albana's cries at the Council of Europe, or Berisha's videos on Facebook, is an attempt to keep as many of those around him as possible who are now realizing that not only is the DP's loss clear, but the lack of perspective with Berisha is equally clear...
The entire objective of the battle against the DP, since 2021 when "Foltorja" began, has been to take control of the opposition and monopolize it by Berisha himself.
His battle had some success within the Democratic Party, eliminating Lulzim Basha's group, attracting his supporters to his side and attempting to enter the elections with a seal and seal in his hands.
But Berisha managed to deceive the leaders of the DP and its deputies to unite around him in the May 11 elections, but he failed to deceive the supporters of the DP who do not accept Berisha.
So the May 11 elections are the first elections that prove that 250 thousand Albanian voters of the opposition no longer belong to Sali Berisha, but represent the anti-Berisha spirit in the opposition.
So he managed to recruit the DP's officials, but not the DP electorate. And this is also being reflected after May 11.
In the debate about the quality of the elections and the recount, the opposition is no longer united. The new parties, for example, have complaints about the electoral system but not about the electoral process. Some of them are even more endangered by the DP than by the SP in this process.
The recount shows that the DP is the party that has the most votes taken incorrectly so far, although in reality their total number has no impact on the result and reflects more a human error, but with a tendency to increase the votes to the DP.
This strengthens the division of the Albanian opposition and the loss of the monopolist Berisha over the opposition.
The Albanian opposition is divided into two clear positions about the May 11 elections: between those who accept that the opposition has lost the elections badly and must review its organization, and Berisha's circle who do not accept the defeat in order to continue to maintain control over that part of the opposition that they have.
Moreover, that part of the opposition which admits that the opposition has lost the elections is now expanding with voices within the DP, marking a new crisis and continuation of the hemorrhage from Berisha.
This division is the first serious loss of the monopolist Berisha over the opposition.
Now, for both foreign observers and other international factors, Sali Berisha is no longer a reference on behalf of the opposition, but only one of the opposition factors.
With the creation of the parliament and the beginning of the new political session, this division will become even greater. Due to the high result of the SP and the lack of need for a vote pool with Berisha, the latter will be isolated as an opposition factor.
All of his rhetoric, with Albana's cries at the Council of Europe, or Berisha's videos on Facebook, is an attempt to keep as many people around him as possible who are now realizing that not only is the DP's loss clear, but the lack of perspective with Berisha is equally clear.
Any new composition in the Assembly, including the electoral reform requested by the EU, makes Berisha simply an opposition actor but not its representative. The votes for the new electoral code are sufficient between the SP and other opposition factors. Even, with a little push, even for constitutional changes.
So Berisha on May 11, has not only lost the chance for power, but also power over the opposition. This is his biggest loss on May 11.
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