FLASH
Shkruar nga Ylli Pata
Media supporters of Sali Berisha describe the entire open debate on the DP leadership factor as a narcotic that is being given to the public to divert the real debate, because according to them, the vote has been diverted.
The post-May 11 narrative is not catching on simply because the rhetoric has become a buzzword for several elections, of votes being diverted by power and its mechanisms.
Media supporters of Sali Berisha describe the entire open debate on the DP leadership factor as a narcotic that is being given to the public to divert the real debate, because according to them, the vote has been diverted.
All of this is, in fact, a reverse anesthesia, to try to influence the opposition, that within the DP, not to read the vote properly.
In fact, the figures of May 11 are more political than ever, and in many respects resemble those of 2013. Since we are dealing with a clear political will addressed in large numbers; about 1 million votes received by parties outside the "majorities".
A number that can be interpreted however you want, and in this case the majority considers it as a vote in favor of it, but in reality, taken in the complex, it is a vote against. A vote against Sali Berisha as a governing alternative. And we see this very simply if we read the national votes but also district by district.
The Socialist Party (PS) does not have an increase, but a decrease in votes, especially in large cities, excluding Shkodra, compared to the 2021 elections.
What does this indicator mean? A dialectical movement of the gray electorate, especially in large cities, towards new political formations: the Albania Becomes Initiative, the Opportunity Party, the Together Movement, and to a lesser extent other parties, which are not new, but are nevertheless an additional political factor.
This indicator, that is, of the deviation of a political consensus of potential anti-government or non-government voters towards new formations, is a clear vote against Sali Berisha.
As is the majority, or at its core, of the solid electorate of the Socialist Party. This is clearly understood from Edi Rama's 50+50% cross-campaign. Half for the European passport narrative and half against "The Owl and his swamp". Since the almost 24-hour bombardment on social networks and media, he has leaned more towards the anti-swamp campaign.
Which was totally expected and dialectical, since Sali Berisha has all the attributes to become a political target. Not only because of his age and long political position, but especially because of the criminal process against him, as well as the aggressive sanctions of two great powers: the USA and Great Britain.
The Berisha establishment tries to argue that the majority has not suffered any harm from the criminal trials of its exponents, which, according to them, is unnatural.
But, apart from the aspect that the majority has had a different attitude towards the issues of its exponents, it is the factor that brought about this reality of new justice, while to prove this another litmus test is needed.
So that the opposition would be led by a leader not pursued by justice, unsanctioned by the West, and with a different attitude towards the new justice system. Without this happening, the lack of fire from the SP cannot be prejudged.
The new political forces could have gathered even more votes if they had created a broad anti-government political front, but the main factor for this development is the "B" factor, which has been a deterrent even for the most zealous militants of the Democratic Party who have also been active in the election territory.
There is a clear reading that the DP militancy, which is made up of people with logic and extensive knowledge of the territory, knows best.
Often she has been quite pragmatic, having worked together with the respective candidates. Who, where they have been qualitative, and with connections in the territory, have achieved good results. Such as the victory of the municipality of Kruja, by Aulon Kalaja, the good results achieved in Golem and other units of Kavaja, where the influence of Elvis Rroshi is clearly visible, who worked for his cousin Elton, who was on the list of the DP and its "grand coalition".
If you look in detail at the entire universe of votes in different territories, you see clear political signs, which have risen somewhere, and not somewhere, precisely because of the candidate factor. Wherever it has been violated, the DP has been severely punished. For example, Fier and Elbasan. Where the candidates who won the primaries and were not placed on the lists, are openly saying that Sali Berisha and his close entourage are the main culprits of the defeat.
Alessia Balliu and Dash Sula say this at night, but even others who don't say it, naturally out of respect for political loyalty, have said it with actions and acts, such as the requests for recount by Ilir Alimehmeti and Aulon Kalaja.
All this revival of political activity within the DP is a sign that Sali Berisha knew well that it existed, since he started the anti-Basha movement. That's why he used more carrots than sticks in his campaign that he would probably open the four-party party. Simply now, those people who have followed their careers have returned to the doctor. Whom before 2013, they didn't even dare to do this to, because he was not only powerful, but also still politically alive. Today, as a factor, he is a fossil, which normally will have its admirers for a long time, but as a museum, not a candidate for prime minister.
Lini një Përgjigje