FLASH
Shkruar nga Ferdinand Xhaferraj
In a social context where Albanians are tired, disappointed and increasingly distrustful of politics, only an approach based on ethics can create real trust and hope...
"In a democracy, the people get the government they deserve," said the French political thinker, Alexis de Tocqueville. But to truly understand the state of a country, one must look not only at the government, but also at those who claim to replace it. So, while in this analysis we focus on the internal problems and the multidimensional crisis that the Democratic Party is experiencing, this in no way means that criticism of the opposition is an amnesty for the government, which in the elections made state resources available to maintain power. On the contrary, a government that misuses the state for electoral interests deserves to be replaced by a legitimate government. But the fact that this does not happen is an indicator of an even greater gap: the lack of a functional opposition. It is precisely the weakness of the opposition that has worsened the democratic balances in the country. In this sense, the analysis of the state of the Democratic Party is not an internal party issue, but a major problem for Albanian society, which remains deprived of real means of control and alternation of power.
If we seek to understand how we got here, we must take a closer look at the journey of the Democratic Party – once a symbol of civic energy in the 1990s – which is now in a deep identity crisis. Until the 2021 elections, the DP kept alive the hope of victory by being a genuine alternative. Slogans and campaigns such as “Time for Change” (2005) or “Albania Wins” (2021) proved that the party still maintained a competitive spirit and ambition for victory at every level. But the recent elections sealed the end of that spirit, revealing a party that exists more out of inertia than mission. The current leadership of the Democratic Party, held hostage by the problematic mortgage of the past, has not managed – and is not managing – to transform the party into a source of hope for a better future. As the writer and political dissident Václav Havel said, “an organization that does not experience spiritual revival becomes a caricature of itself.”
The current electoral weakness of the DP is a symptom, not a diagnosis. The real crisis is structural and manifests itself in three fundamental lines:
1. LOSS OF POLITICAL IDENTITY
When we say that the Democratic Party lacks identity, we mean that it no longer offers a national narrative that inspires Albanians for a long-term vision. Even more problematic is the fact that today it does not even know who it represents. It used to be the voice of students, of the politically persecuted, of the middle class. Today, the DP oscillates between pragmatist and populist approaches, where conservative rhetoric is intertwined with proposals that carry social-populist elements. We say this because on the one hand, the DP promotes low-tax policies and calls for a reduction in the fiscal burden on business and citizens — an approach that is related to the idea of “less state” and more free market. On the other hand, it proposes subsidies and social assistance in various sectors such as agriculture, education and for specific groups such as miners — policies that imply “more state” in the logic of intervention and financial support from the state budget. This ideological ambiguity has diminished the party's programmatic credibility, transforming its political identity into a mix of rhetoric without a clear principled axis.
2. LACK OF ETHICAL INTEGRITY
The second problem lies in the lack of an ethical format. In a social context where Albanians are tired, disappointed and increasingly distrustful of politics, only an approach based on ethics can create real trust and hope. The ethical approach means announcing primaries, as a process of selecting candidates within the party, to give the message that decision-making power originates from the grassroots. But, not to degrade the product of the primaries into an ethical farce, where the legitimacy that comes from the grassroots is replaced by loyalty to the leader. The ethical approach also requires respect for the statutory norm that provides for the resignation of the chairman after losing the elections. Refusal to implement this norm undermines trust in the rules and justice within the party. It proves that personal responsibility for defeat gives way to a survival logic, where the preservation of individual power prevails over the collective need for reflection and renewal.
Moreover, the failure of the new parties to build a different political culture makes the revival of the Democratic Party all the more necessary. Although initially seen as inspiring alternatives and freed from the nightmares of the past, many of these movements quickly demonstrated internal conflicts, a lack of coherence and the presence of the same old mentality they claimed to challenge. This failure is not simply individual, it is a deep symptom of an unformed political culture, lacking institutional ethics and commitment to a higher social vision. Therefore, the need to transform the DP stems not only from its history, but also from the void left behind by the inability of the new alternatives to structure trust and long-term representation. As Antonio Gramsci put it: “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born.” In this empty space, the responsibility for a true political renaissance is greater than ever.
3. LACK OF AN INSPIRING VISION FOR THE FUTURE
In this context of the collapse of ideas and structures, building a new political offer is not a luxury, it is a necessity. Without a new visionary horizon, the Democratic Party risks remaining a formal framework, without an electorate, without a program and without a future. Recent history offers warning examples: In France, the Socialists fell from the presidency to marginality due to the lack of a new vision. In Italy, Forza Italia shrank along with the figure of its leader, moving from the center of political gravity to the periphery. This is the fate of parties that do not dare to change: they do not simply lose elections, but risk losing their very existence. But there are also examples that prove that resurgence is possible. In Spain, the ruined Socialists managed to return to power after Pedro Sánchez gave the party a new identity and challenged the old elite through an internal process of cleansing and renewal. In Bulgaria, the “We Continue the Change” movement, led by a young generation, broke the corrupt status quo and gained mass support by offering a credible alternative, not just slogans. Albania is no exception.
The last elections showed that the DP is losing ground not only in the face of its political opponent, but also in the face of citizens' distrust of the alternative it offers. The youth have left, professionals have become passive, and the last electoral result was significantly weaker than the previous one. Conclusion: The choice is clear: either the Democratic Party undergoes a deep process of self-reflection and renewal, or it risks becoming a closed chapter in Albanian political history. Perhaps with the naivety of someone who has invested in this party for decades, I continue to hope.
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