FLASH
Shkruar nga Ylli Pata
The Berisha-Meta relationship never went down to the grassroots, as it was a secret relationship, more private than public.
Myslim Murrizi, never stopped fighting with the DP leadership, bringing arguments about their mistakes in the campaign, but not only that.
Today Murrizi addressed the issue of the Freedom Party, or otherwise Ilir Meta's party, namely the former LSI. Murrizi emphasizes that this political force does not bring any votes to the opposition.
This conclusion by Murriz is an important issue in the political debate that needs to take place within the opposition about the weight of the actors in the game, especially now when we have a completely different map of the distribution of popular perception.
There was a time when the LSI brought votes for the Democratic Party. In two ways: either indirectly or directly. In the 2005 elections, without the LSI factor, the Democratic Party would not have won the parliamentary elections. The LSI with its candidates brought about the downfall of the SP in at least the largest centers in the country: Tirana, especially Durrës, pore and Fier, Shkodër, Elbasan, etc. In the 2011 elections, the LSI factor brought about an exponential rise of Lulzim Basha as the joint candidate of all anti-Edi Rama forces. But that is exactly where the whole game begins, a very interesting game that is also known as the “game of eels”.
Edi Rama, after losing the Tirana mayoral election in 2011, wrote "Kurbani" where he paved the way for a coalition with Ilir Meta. A coalition, which, as developments are showing, has been a more complicated maneuver than it seems.
All the people close to Ilir Meta agreed on his return to the SP, while the leader of the SMI had a special relationship with Sali Berisha. A special relationship, which served as a luxurious bait for Edi Rama for the slander he raised against the two "rednecks" who considered themselves more skilled than the leader of the SP.
After the "pact of eels", the LSI became so spoiled that it began to expand beyond the political quilt, taking political territory from the right. Namely, Ilir Meta in the 2013 elections took over the areas of political influence of the DP, which were owned by characters not liked by the leadership of Sali Berisha.
Namely, Meta in Tirana took almost the lion's share of Bamir Topi's areas, in Durrës he expanded to Rrashbull and Shijak, in Fier also to territories that had been right-wing domains, etc. Thus, in the 2013 elections, LSI received a number of deputies that could condition the power of Edi Rama, who did not even have a parliamentary majority as the Socialist Party.
The balance of Edi Rama's first term was intended to keep Ilir Meta and the SMI in a position where he would not be able to produce a political coup, which in reality Meta attempted in the summer of 2016. But he could not do it with the number of deputies. A year later, a bombastic development occurred in the Rama-Basha meeting, exactly 2 weeks after the prime minister made Ilir Meta President of the Republic.
The pact between Edi Rama and Lulzim Basha, which was clearly a deal pushed by the internationals, destabilized Ilir Meta, who climbed into Sali Berisha's office on the 18th of the 20th floor. As a result, with a phone call, he took a large slice of the radical electorate of the Democratic Party. The electorate, which together with the flour that the then President had in his magic, gave him a parliamentary group of 18 deputies.
An impressive number, which would be envied not only by any new party, but also by the big ones. But, practically, Meta's 18 deputies were not worth it at all. Rama received the necessary majority to govern, thus bringing about that long frustration that led to the spectacle of burning mandates, as if we were dealing with a madness of crowds when burning flags in fanatic squares.
Those 18 LSI MPs did not have the political weight they deserved because they were not the fruit of his magic, but a loan from the doctor. A loan that could be returned when the owner asked for it, even though something might be left behind along the way.
At the helm of the presidency, Ilir Meta made many efforts to seduce the electorate that had given him the result of 18 deputies, calling it the "people of March 2" in the hope that he would seduce them more than Berisha, who had had them as his political "sons" since the time of the first revolt against Tritan Shehu in Kamëz in 1994 until "Legalization" that became one of the three principles of the French revolution.
In the 2021 elections, this entire electorate returned home, wishing their new friend "success in life", which also brought great shock to the LSI, which not only changed its name, but the devil entered the house. Where not only did the first one find out about the second, but also the third, the fourth and so on, they began to leave one by one.
But apart from this political part, it is important to highlight an important political fact. The DP and the SMI have been in an open and secret coalition since 2005. But in reality, the two political entities, especially at the grassroots level, have never had political chemistry. The SMI is natural, although contentious, to coexist with the SP, as they come from the same environment.
Whereas the coexistence of the democrat base with the SMI has always been abrasive, there has been a lack of confidence, and they have always failed to achieve coherence in elections. They have simply tried to take advantage of each other.
The Berisha-Meta relationship never went down to the grassroots, as it was a secret relationship, more private than public.
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