The amendment to the Criminal Procedure Code is seen as a political move to curb suspensions and negotiate with European supporters of the investigations...
Edi Rama put his name at the head of the initiative to amend the Criminal Procedure Code, turning the draft into a personal political act. The move is interpreted as a signal to Germany and European factors that support SPAK in its investigations against the government. The legal change is considered more political pressure than procedural reform, at a time when the investigations are directly affecting the agenda of the government's fourth mandate.
Placing its name on the initiative that the Socialist Party submitted to the Assembly to amend the Criminal Procedure Code by Edi Rama is not a political symbolism.
Quite normally, the initiative could have been drafted and proposed by a group of lawyers from the socialist group, of which there are many, or even by names who have worked on justice since the 2016 reform, like Fatmir Xhafa, for example, who at the group meeting, when the draft was read and announced, was completely indignant.
Edi Rama, by placing his name at the head of the initiative, surrounded by Ulsi Manja and Taulant Balla, has sent a political signal to those who support SPAK, more than to prosecutors.
It was a coded move to negotiate at a distance precisely with the power that today most supports SPAK and the investigations against the government, namely Germany, which is clearly partisan of penetrating the investigations into the heart of Edi Rama's government.
The amendment to the Criminal Procedure Code is more of a soap bubble than a real legal solution to stop the use of suspension by special prosecutors.
In all likelihood, even if the amendment is not approved, the artifice of suspending ministers will not be used, because it is a forced and ineffective measure for the operational plans of investigations, wherever they take place.
On the other hand, this war that has become a daily policy of Edi Rama's government with justice, among other things, causes more problems for the prime minister than for prosecutors.
The latter, with just a sensational investigation like that of the ANA, have significantly damaged Edi Rama's fourth mandate, turning his agenda into permanent defense against the movements of the real opponent, who is in Berlin.
Legally, prosecutors probably won't be allowed into the prime minister's antechamber, also due to procedural restrictions. But any further investigation that takes place around that building, or into the affairs of the distribution of budget money, will increasingly remove the cover with which Rama began the fourth term of his government.
The damage has been done to such an extent that even in European chancelleries, there has been a noticeable cooling towards the prime minister, even after his lobbying with the President of the European Council, Antonio Costa.
The latter agreed to meet him only formally last week, likely to convey a message from the highest levels of the European Union.
The message includes the demand for a political solution to the corruption crisis, not artificial solutions or clashes with justice.
It was after returning from Brussels that Rama personally took the initiative to negotiate on the message that was conveyed to him.
As is known, negotiations often start with strong positions and then soften. Rama himself initiated the draft, trying to appear determined at the beginning. So far, however, the international reaction shows that the pressure for a political solution remains unchanged./ Pamphlet
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