FLASH
Shkruar nga Adriatik Doci
There are facts and proofs, testimonies, evidence, circumstances and concrete actions for the corruption of the Berisha Family. Today, I am bringing to your attention several concrete episodes of corruption of the Berisha Family, with actions, names and benefits, instead of an answer for Mrs. Malltezi.
Sali Berisha and his son-in-law Jamarbër Malltezi have finally sat in the dock for corruption and money laundering. The case includes just a few episodes of the Berisha Family's heavy and organized corruption industry, spanning two decades.
In every public appearance, members of the Berisha Family claim that there is no evidence of their corruption with public assets and money, presenting the accusations and the first file as a conspiracy by Soros, Edi Rama, SPAK and several journalists, including me. They are within their right to defend themselves, even by lying, remaining silent or accusing others, since they are under criminal charges.
The Berisha family's corruption is not on a banal level like catching a thief in a chicken coop, with a leek in his hand or a sack on his back. But it is not abstract like being blinded by an evil you cannot see, like radiation or conspiracy theories.
There are facts and proofs, testimonies, evidence, circumstances and concrete actions for the corruption of the Berisha Family. Today, I am bringing to your attention several concrete episodes of corruption of the Berisha Family, with actions, names and benefits, instead of an answer for Mrs. Malltezi.
The episodes point to a serious, consolidated, and long-standing corrupt structural organization, with deliberate corrupt actions, a complex form of possession of benefits and their conversion into increased wealth, seemingly legal.
It may be a unique case in Europe, where all the adult members of the family are involved in corruption. How did the scheme work? Sali Berisha, as head of government, signed concessions, permits, licenses and other public favors for a circle of businessmen. The latter found even the most vulgar ways to pay Shkëlzeni, Argita, Jamarbëri and even Liri. Sali Berisha's daughter, son and son-in-law served as a customs point where businessmen had to pass to finish work with the Berisha government and its branches.
1. Ismail Mulleti transferred 350 thousand euros to the account of Shkelzen Berisha's companies during 2008-2009, allegedly to find some properties in Durrës to buy. On February 27, 2013, Sali Berisha, through former chief financier Ridvan Bode, gave Ismail Mulleti the concession for fuel marking and monitoring. From the balances submitted to the National Revenue Agency, the concession had a profit margin of at least 1.2 million euros per year, from which it paid about 100 thousand euros to the state as a concession fee.
2. In 2010, businessman Ilir Karçini gave 150 thousand euros to Shkëlzen Berisha for mediating the purchase of 50 thousand m2 of land in Porto Romano. A few weeks later, specifically on May 3, 2010, the Ministry of Economy, a branch of the Berisha government, provided Karçini's company with authorization, preparing the ground for the construction of hydrocarbon deposits in Porto Romano.
3. On October 17, 2008, Sali Berisha as Prime Minister convenes the government and approves a VKM for the construction, ownership, use, maintenance and transfer of the project of a new hydroelectric power plant in Ashtë, Bushat, Shkodra, to the company Österreichische Elektrizitätsëirtschafts-Aktiengesellschaft. The company then gives Jamarbër Malltez over 81 thousand euros, supposedly for environmental consultancy.
4. In 2006, Argita Malltezi began buying cheap properties in Porto Romano, about 14 hectares at 10 euros per m2. Then, together with her husband Jamarbër Malltezi, she sold the land to Damir Fazlliç for 18 euros per m2. Immediately after the transactions, Sali Berisha took action, convened the government and made a decision to move the border of the Porto Romano energy park to Durrës, including Fazlliç's new properties, thereby increasing the value of the land.
5. In 2009, the Berisha government awarded the Italian company Irene Acqua Gas Albania Brunch two projects related to integrated water and gas distribution services. On 01.01.2012, a lease contract was signed between Argita Malltezi and Raimondo Chiodi, manager of the company Irene Acqua Gas Albania, for the apartment 12/5 owned by Argita Malltezi in ETC in Tirana. The 120 m2 apartment is rented by Argita for the staggering amount of 8000 euros per month.
6. In 2012, Berisha gave several hydroelectric power plants to the Mati Hidropower company. In 2013 and 2014, the beneficiary company gave over 30 thousand euros to Jamarbër Malltez.
7. On August 22, 2008, Berisha transferred the state-owned company Armo to Rezart Taçi, a former pizza waiter. Between February 2009 and May 2013, Rezart Taçi, now wanted by SPAK, gave hundreds of thousands of euros in "Zekat" to Liri Berisha's foundation, in some cases buying paintings for the foundation.
8. Zafar Ansar, a businessman of Pakistani origin, denounced Argita Berisha for demanding a 3% 'success fee' for an investment worth 100 million euros in the energy sector, in addition to paying for her legal services. Zafar Ansar considered this success fee a bribe. He did not accept the 'fine' and left Albania.
9. During the alienation of the former Partizani Cube to build a groom's tower, an operation for which Berisha put every appropriate state structure into motion, over 800 m2 of excess public land were taken, without any payment and in the form of appropriation.
10. For the buildings of the former Partizani Club, the group of former claimant owners, represented by Berisha's son-in-law, who benefited from the Patriotic Contribution, should have paid 430 thousand euros, but only 50 thousand euros were paid, manipulating the value of the buildings according to the legislation in force.
11. Argita Berisha, in order to hide traces of her wealth, has not declared her shares in Homeplan, even though according to the Family Code, she co-owns them with Jamarbr.
12. In the name of Argita and Jamarbër Malltezi, there are 50 real estate properties worth tens of millions of euros, some undeclared and seized by SPAK as a product of corrupt affairs.
13. Argita's friend, Laura Pustina, prepares the contracts for the affair with the former Partizani Club. Her sister Andia keeps the accounts of Homeplan. Laura's husband, Andi Toma, was the director of Roads. The ROSP company that maintained the property and later the construction site was owned by Fatbardh Breçani, the husband of Shpresa Breçani, Berisha's niece. Shpresa Breçani was the accountant for ROSP. Fatbardh Breçani is the brother of Erzen Breçani, a former police chief, who showed up with police force whenever the companies had conflicts with residents.
AKKP leaders were appointed and given instructions only to return this property in violation of the law. Fatmir Mediu and Genc Ruli approved privatization even though the law on sports did not allow it and the property was not included in the plan for the expansion of the army. Whoever served corruption was demoted, whoever resisted was punished as in the case of General Vladimir Qiriazi, who was punished, to whom Berisha savagely released Oerd Bylykbashi, at that time head of anti-corruption in the Prime Minister's Office, when the general refused to sign.
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