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Shkruar nga Pamfleti
Military doctrine, a strategy that despises Europe, threatens Latin America and raises questions about Asia
The world is becoming accustomed to facing surprising news from Washington, but the Trump administration's new National Security Strategy (NSS), unexpectedly published overnight on December 4/5 on the official White House website, has caused particular panic among allied countries, especially in Europe.
For the first time, in such a strategic document, the US clearly shifts its global priorities in a direction that is seen as not only counter to the transatlantic current, but also irresponsible in content and form.
In the 32-page document, the Trump administration describes mass migration as the greatest threat to the West, promising not only to strengthen US borders but also to support right-wing populist parties in Europe that promote the same agenda. Russia is not mentioned at all as a threat. To many European diplomats, this sounds like a hidden message to legitimize Russia's sphere of influence on the Old Continent.
In this context, Trump's recent proposal to use frozen Russian assets to rebuild trade relations between Europe, Ukraine and Russia is viewed with great suspicion. The idea that Europe would resume importing Russian energy, at a time when this dependence was badly exploited by the Kremlin in 2022, is seriously shaking the unity of the West.
While for Asia and China the document is more subdued compared to that of 2017, a new point of tension arises in the Western Hemisphere.
The NSS warns of a redeployment of American troops to maintain American dominance in its own backyard, an open return to the old Monroe Doctrine, now called "Donroe" in honor of Donald Trump.
In Latin America, where US interventions in the 20th century left deep scars, this is unlikely to be well received. But Trump has made it a principle: America for Americans, excluding the traditional approach of multilateral alliances.
In Asia, the document is less aggressive toward China than Trump's first NSS. Ahead of a planned summit in April with President Xi Jinping, the strategy appears to favor trade stability over geopolitical confrontation.
Evidence: The US will allow Nvidia to export one of its most advanced chips to China, a significant concession in the technological race that signals a marked, perhaps temporary, pragmatism. However, the US reaffirms its commitment to defending Taiwan, although many analysts ask: how much is this guarantee worth in practice, if the leader himself is not committed?
The document has also reinforced fears that the new Trump administration could truly shift US foreign policy in this direction. There is speculation in Washington that America’s most pro-allied figures, such as Secretary of State Marco Rubio, could depart in the coming months. More radical MAGA figures are on the rise. However, some constraints will continue to exist: Congress remains skeptical, and intelligence agencies or military leaders are unlikely to support hasty changes.
The document itself, prepared in a disorganized manner and without clear involvement of all levels of the administration, suggests that it is not yet a consolidated vision. Worse, President Trump, asked about the document on December 8, often seemed uninformed about its contents.
Given his reputation for frequent policy shifts and transactional approach to politics, no one can rely on a document he has probably not read at all. But as they often say in Washington: hope is not a strategy. Therefore, America’s friends should prepare for the worst . / Adapted from “Pamphlet” by “The Economist”
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