FLASH
Shkruar nga Preç Zogaj
A typical example of rhetorical anti-corruption is the accusations of Sali Berisha in the opposition against Ilir Meta in power in 2015 for the ÇEZ-DIA affair, an affair which we see included in the SPAK criminal charge against the latter. Obviously not starting from Berisha.
For a long time, about a quarter of a century, the fight against corruption in the higher spheres in our country has been developed at the level of gestures and rhetoric, where the main parties PD, SP and LSI have accused each other of all kinds of scandals, embezzlement, theft . The pledges of their leaders from the opposition trench to root out government corruption have rang out as the soundtrack of our protracted transition.
When they came to power, in addition to the armchairs in the government, they also exchanged the "anti-corruption" gurgle cabin, the implied meaning of which was: "We get rich pretending we are fighting each other".
The balance of this cynical theater has been the exponential growth of corruption from rotation to rotation and from government to government, the creation of an inviolable "elite" in the high spheres, the consecration of impunity in these spheres. It could not happen otherwise. Turning politicians into each other's prosecutors and judges is a great trick that undermines the rule of law. Accusations that are kept at the level of political rhetoric, avoiding their clarification in the justice bodies, only produce mirage. Exactly what the wolves of corruption want.
A typical example of rhetorical anti-corruption is the accusations of Sali Berisha in the opposition against Ilir Meta in power in 2015 for the ÇEZ-DIA affair, an affair which we see included in the SPAK criminal charge against the latter. Obviously not starting from Berisha.
Someone who is reading these lines, but has not followed the events, may ask: Well, the politicians made it a habit to take out the unwashed and then hug each other with a "that's the game", but where was the justice during all this time? Why didn't she start the investigations mainly based on their mutual denunciations?
Most people know the answer. Justice was forbidden to take the law to the upper spheres, where the plural-solidarity political caste reigned both in power and in opposition. In return, prosecutors and judges were encouraged to make fortunes in the lower realms, which many of them have, proven by vetting, done. In this way, justice has fulfilled the Albanian understanding of its capture, which was its dysfunction at the top of the bipartisan power pyramid.
This story could not go on forever. The death of the law in the upper spheres was prescribed to be archived with the unanimous vote of the Law Reform by the Parliament of Albania in 2016. Further, with the appearance on the scene of its new bodies.
Thus, the long period of the "war" against corruption in words has passed into the new era of concrete investigation and concrete war by the legal bodies of investigation and judgment, which are SPAK and GjKKO.
This development is historic for the rule of law and the rule of law in Albania. Let's not forget that the crisis of our justice was first of all the crisis of the criminal accusation. With very few exceptions, the Prosecutor's Office has not been allowed to conduct investigations into pepper affairs involving very high officials. Even where the investigations have started, such as Gerdeci, ÇEZ-DIA, January 21, others have been prevented from going to the end without being conditioned by the post and the names of those involved in the relevant affairs.
With the consolidation of SPAK, this chapter is closed once and for all. There are no more untouchables. He is no longer above the law. There is no more "I am the law".
No one against whom there will be serious allegations or evidence of involvement in corrupt affairs will not escape the investigation. Nor the trial in cases where the investigation will produce a criminal charge.
On the other hand, no one who feels clean has any reason to blame anyone who anathematizes SPAK. Let him challenge it in court. The court is the only institution that administers justice at all three levels of the country's judicial system. Even at a fourth level, which is the Strasbourg Court. Add in a fifth which is the Constitutional Court for cases that violate the constitutional rights of citizens. In such a system, justice is undeniable in the vast majority of cases, if not in every case. Whoever comes out innocent in court is reborn both morally and politically. He also receives legal compensation. Politics has its benefits, it has fame, but it also has transparency. Transparency can no longer be stopped at the source, in the investigation.
SPAK is viciously attacked by Berisha and Meta and from side to side by Rama, first of all because it is doing the duty assigned to it by the law, it is fixing what it was established for, it is investigating officials and former high officials, regardless of the position they held do they keep
This storm has risen and it is clear that it will not stop. On the contrary: legal transparency will illuminate other unknown aspects of the illegal and anti-popular activity of the incriminated persons who have abused the poets and the trust of the citizens. The investigations will not stop even in the version of the eventual victory of former President Trump in the American elections on November 5, from which our plural and solidary caste, with Rama as a player in the field, hopes for two things: at least to gain time to break the blade held the hand of the new justice; maximally alienate him, superimposing another "new justice" through the "Xhafa" parliamentary committee. Illusion!
The strong support of the new justice from the USA, a service at the height of the great services that this great country has done to Albania for more than a century, is unlikely to be repeated.
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