FLASH
Shkruar nga Lorenc Vangjeli
There is an absurd misunderstanding and terribly superficial explanation for SPAK's relationship with politics. They are mainly related to the impatience of the public to punish any of the politicians who are perceived to be corrupt and to the report of the attack of this institution on both sides of Albanian politics.
On the day of his first mandatory appearance at the SPAK, Berisha mentioned a criminal file accusing former interior minister Balla. In the press conference that followed, he confirmed the existence of an investigative file with an unclear fate for MP Majko as well. Berisha has hinted that he has in his possession at least ten or twelve criminal files, still under investigation by SPAK.
In all likelihood, Berisha will publish parts of them selectively and with a clear strategy. To highlight the public perception of the degree of government corruption and its links to crime. It will do so by gradually increasing the pace as the election campaign approaches and affirming as truth what SPAK only suspects and giving a decision even before the doubts go to court. And here comes to light the magnificent grotesque of Tirana's Hilanjo politics that seeks to defend itself in a terribly funny way, but with dramatic means: "Investigate me? But see how corrupt these people are!", says Berisha, do you say that the 99 shades of gray and black in the opponent, make him white himself. This methodology is an old currency in political Tirana that the left and the right have left each other at the door for years. It has been a means of payment used mutually, considering the opponent a laundromat for personal sins.
There is an absurd misunderstanding and terribly superficial explanation for SPAK's relationship with politics. They are mainly related to the impatience of the public to punish any of the politicians who are perceived to be corrupt and to the report of the attack of this institution on both sides of Albanian politics.
It is difficult to explain some contradictions; for a politician, unlike an ordinary citizen, even perception alone can be sufficient cause to be morally punished. Whereas the criminal punishment must pass through the process to prove the guilt beyond any reasonable doubt. And this is a process that takes time, often a long, long time that does not match the patience of the public for the punishment to happen "now and immediately!". To avoid such a thing, the main tool in democracy is the periodicity of elections or even the instrument of resignation. In the absence of the institution of elections due to their deformation and the absolute influence of party leaders on the quality of the elected and in the complete absence of a standard for resignation, punishment in politics seems to come for a long time only from justice. And for this reason, it begs to wait and patience itself to make patience.
-II-
The critics and skeptics that SPAK attracts from the ranks of sinners, from the ranks of idealists or even the uninformed, mention a seemingly oblique relationship between the beating of politicians from the opposition and their opponents in office. On the one hand, there are the two most vocal politicians, Berisha and Meta - the leader of the PL, even in prison - Mediu, in court proceedings or the convicted Salianji, while on the other hand, "only those who have been released by Rama" are under investigation !". And this includes the former deputy prime minister Ahmetaj, the arrested Beqja and the mayor Veliaj under investigation. No one expects a large number of officials and senior administrators arrested or under investigation, MPs or mayors, some already convicted. The haste of the critics would put the sign of equality or balance in the strike only if this happened to Rama. This is the least naive explanation and this makes this kind of skepticism even more ridiculous because it is based on the axiom: "It is Rama himself who controls and directs SPAK to strike the opposition and the enemies created among his former friends". The criminal strike, as a rule, has no political color, despite the non-aligned efforts of politics to influence it. It hits the individual. But how true is this, the other side of the same truth, located in the plane of time, gives this reasoning another dimension.
Third Application
With the list of names under attack from the opposition and several other MPs under investigation, her account with justice is closed. It is difficult to open new cases for old stories of its former ministers. On the other hand, in SPAK there are a number of hot cases and files, connected with significant names of socialists. Some of them even "interned" there for years. Their judicial investigation is already a matter of time, but if those files will not have taken the path to the end of the investigations before, perhaps, even a month from the start of the electoral campaign, they could approach a frightening side effect. An effect that would serve to declassify the belief that governments are the real problem of every country. And in the "own" Albanian case, judging by the intensity of the attack, it would seem that the problem is the opposition.
In fact, in this scorching pre-election season, the problems will come from the opposition. Like the old tyrants in the Middle Ages, Berisha will spread the news about ministers and former socialist ministers involved in corruption and inappropriate relations with the underworld. Using precisely some of the investigative files of the SPAK at his disposal and starting the final season of the "socialist" witch hunt, with the threat: "Open it up and let them in!". Like in the Middle Ages. And how to contrast with the current calendar of Albania, cursed or blessed to live in interesting times.
Lini një Përgjigje