FLASH
Shkruar nga PamfletiThe Prime Minister promised a 'reflection' on the protest, but has not presented any platform for three weeks. Behind the silence lies his biggest political dilemma: to maintain the old alliance with the Soros network or to face the conditions of the Trump administration...
Edi Rama announced the establishment of a team that would analyze public discontent and prepare the government's response. The platform has not yet been made public. Sources and political signals speak of negotiations that go beyond the protest, from investments in Zvërnec and Sazan, to the prime minister's relations with Soros and the Trump administration. At the center of the clash is the demand that Rama not continue to hold two chairs...
For three weeks, Edi Rama has been promising a platform for the government's reaction and reflection on the protests that began more than a month and a half ago. The Prime Minister stated that he had set up a special team to analyze public dissatisfaction, the protesters' demands, and citizens' sensitivity towards the government.
However, the reflection has not come. The government has not made any concrete response public, and no one knows what the platform announced by Rama contains.
This silence has produced different versions. Some speak of profound changes in the government cabinet. Others warn of major legal interventions, which could affect procedures for coastal permits, public contracts and construction permits. Another version speaks of the review or cancellation of part of the permits that the government has granted along the coast, including the controversial projects in Zvërnec and Sazan.
But these versions do not circulate randomly. The team that manages the government's communication and image releases them to the public carefully, to gauge the reaction, to orient the debate and to buy time. Rama is not reflecting. Rama is negotiating.
The Prime Minister began negotiations the moment the protest reached proportions that could jeopardize his political control. He is negotiating with several parties simultaneously: with those suspected of having financed or supported the protest, with the structures that have built its communication strategy, but also with another party, more fragile and potentially more dangerous to his future than the protest itself.
All politicians who have led the government, the Presidency or the main parties in Albania have negotiated in moments of crisis. Many of them have also participated in negotiations for the political fate of their opponents. But Edi Rama has turned negotiation into the main mechanism for the functioning of his power.
His political career has been linked from the beginning to one of the most influential networks in international politics and finance, that of George Soros. Rama entered high-level politics with the support of this network and gradually built relationships that guaranteed him access to important circles outside Albania.
Contacts with the Rothschild family during the period when Rama headed the Ministry of Culture, their engagement in issues related to Butrint, and continuous lobbying with American Democrats are part of this itinerary. However, Rama did not limit himself to the Democratic wing. He also built bridges with lobbyists affiliated with Republicans in the United States.
One of the main names in this story was Arthur J. Finkelstein, an American political strategist known for conservative campaigns. Finkelstein and his network of consultants have worked with various politicians outside the United States, including Viktor Orbán. According to information that has been circulating in Tirana for years, structures associated with him have also advised Edi Rama in the early stages of his political career.
This relationship put Rama in a difficult position when Hillary Clinton took over as US Secretary of State. Finkelstein had built part of his political career on campaigns against the Clinton family. As a result, Rama needed a mediator to pave the way for him to the Democratic administration.
George Soros played this role. The diplomatic cables that WikiLeaks published after the events of January 21, 2011, shed light on the contacts, mediations, and channels operating behind the scenes of the Albanian crisis.
Even in the current crisis, Rama is seeking Soros' support. His goal is to stop the protests or, at least, to mitigate their second phase, which could reach greater proportions at the end of August and during the period that coincides with the American campaign for the midterm elections.
It is precisely at that time that the Trump family-linked project in Albania could return to American political attention. The announced investments in Sazan and Zvërnec could turn from tourist projects into political and electoral issues in the United States.
Rama sees the current negotiations as the last chance to avoid a direct confrontation. According to sources, people in the Trump administration have so far refused the contacts he has requested. They suspect that the Albanian government used the public exposure of Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner in the Zvërnec case to feed the narrative of American Democrats and the circles supported by George Soros.
Sipas të njëjtave burime, administrata Trump i ka dërguar Ramës mesazhe të ashpra. Ajo e akuzon se ka keqpërdorur emrin dhe imazhin e vajzës dhe dhëndrit të presidentit amerikan. Rama ka marrë gjithashtu kërkesën që qeveria dhe propaganda e saj të mos e përdorin më emrin e Ivanka Trumpit për të mbrojtur apo promovuar vendimet që lidhen me Zvërnecin.
Këto mesazhe e kanë frenuar kryeministrin nga shpallja e paketës së tij të “reflektimit”. Ai nuk mund të tërhiqet lehtësisht nga projektet e debatueshme në bregdet, sepse çdo tërheqje mund të hapë kërkesa të tjera. Në të njëjtën kohë, ai nuk mund të vazhdojë sikur protesta dhe presioni amerikan të mos ekzistonin.
Për këtë arsye, Rama po përpiqet ta zhvendosë krizën nga vendimmarrja politike te ndryshimet në kabinet. Sipas informacioneve që qarkullojnë në mazhorancë, kryeministri ka përgatitur një lëvizje për riformatimin e qeverisë, të cilën mund ta shpallë në fund të javës.
Negociatat përfshijnë edhe vendosjen në qeveri të një emri të ri, të propozuar ose mbështetur nga qarqe pranë Sorosit. Këto qarqe, sipas burimeve, nuk kanë mbetur të kënaqura me përfaqësimin aktual në Ministrinë e Shëndetësisë. Ato kërkojnë një pozicion më të rëndësishëm, ose funksionin e numrit dy të qeverisë, ose drejtimin e Ministrisë së Infrastrukturës dhe Energjisë.
Këto nuk përfaqësojnë thjesht kërkesa për një emër ministri. Ato lidhen me kontrollin mbi vendimmarrjen, fondet publike, lejet, koncesionet dhe projektet infrastrukturore. Pikërisht për këtë arsye negociatat po zhvillohen me intensitet dhe Rama nuk ka arritur ende të mbyllë marrëveshjen.
Ndërkohë, ambasadori shqiptar në Uashington, Ferit Hoxha, i ka përcjellë kryeministrit një mesazh që lidhet drejtpërdrejt me Sekretarin amerikan të Shtetit, Marco Rubio. Mesazhi ka ardhur në kontekstin e qëndrimit të administratës amerikane ndaj rrjeteve dhe organizimeve që ajo i lidh me të majtën ekstreme. Qeveria po e mban përmbajtjen e tij sekret, por burimet e përshkruajnë tonin si shumë të fortë.
Të dyja palët i kanë përcjellë Ramës të njëjtën kërkesë, edhe pse për arsye të kundërta. Ai nuk mund të vazhdojë të qëndrojë në dy karrige. Nuk mund ta përdorë Sorosin për të siguruar mbështetjen e demokratëve dhe, në të njëjtën kohë, emrin e familjes Trump për të marrë mbrojtje nga republikanët. Nuk mund ta paraqesë projektin e Sazanit si investim amerikan, ndërsa projektin e Zvërnecit ta administrojë si instrument të luftës politike kundër administratës amerikane.
Kjo dilemë shpjegon vonesën e “reflektimit”. Rama nuk po kërkon një përgjigje për qytetarët. Ai po kërkon një marrëveshje që t’i garantojë mbijetesën politike.
Protesta i hapi krizën, por negociatat po përcaktojnë fundin e saj. Ndryshimet në qeveri, rishikimi i lejeve ose largimi i disa ministrave mund të shërbejnë vetëm si pagesa politike për marrëveshjen që Rama po përpiqet të mbyllë.
The issue is no longer just about the content of the platform that the prime minister promised. The issue is about the party to which he will provide guarantees, the interests he will protect, and the bill he will pass on to Albanians.
Edi Rama has used negotiation to enter power, to expand it and to overcome crises. Now negotiation has placed him in front of a choice that he cannot postpone indefinitely. Soros and the Trump administration are asking him the same thing: to choose the chair where he will sit./ Pamphlet
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