FLASH
Shkruar nga Fadil Lepaja 
Serb rights and Serbia's 'rights' in Kosovo
The subtitle of this article expresses the essence of the political confrontation in conferences, meetings, or in the media, between Kosovar Prime Minister Kurti and Serbian President Vucic.
The last battle, for the Serbian dinar, which came after the conclusion of the agreement on license plates, documents, etc., has been packaged by the official Serbian propaganda as a violation of the rights of the Serbian community in Kosovo.
Serbian President Vučić, at the UN Security Council, revealed to the world the essence of what is happening: Serbia, in a dramatic but also tragicomic way, is confusing the "rights" of Serbia with the rights of ethnic Serbs, citizens of Kosovo. Failing to document the violation of the rights of the Serbian community in Kosovo, Serbian propaganda manipulates the emotions, beliefs and dreams of a part of the Serbian minority for the return of the mythical, medieval Serbia in Kosovo.
However, the commitment to Serbia's "rights" in Kosovo does not meet with the support of the political West, nor in intellectual circles. After the forced departure from Kosovo, with the military intervention of NATO, motivated by the avoidance of the humanitarian catastrophe caused in Kosovo, caused by the Serbian regime in an attempt at ethnic cleansing, Serbia's rights over this territory are still the subject of only here and there in international forums where it is decided by veto (and where non-Western powers have this right).
Meanwhile, the international community has continuously taken care and worked with all governments of Kosovo, including the current one, so that the communities enjoy their rights according to the most advanced European principles for minority communities.
The main argument that official Serbia is not fighting for the rights of the Serbian community in Kosovo is the continuous commitment of the Serbian state to block the integration of the Serbian community in Kosovo society, in institutions and in legal social and political activities, in defense of their interests. but also in fulfillment of civic obligations.
Official Serbia, treating the citizens of Kosovo as citizens of Serbia, is preventing their integration into institutions and the use of rights and obligations guaranteed by the Constitution of Kosovo.
But the plight of the Serbian president is of course not related to the rights of the Serbs, but to the use of the Serbs for the political and military purposes of Serbia, which is currently at a crossroads.
Serbia is not only located between the east and the west, and this geopolitical and geostrategic division has already been eroded with the movement of the border of the western democracies towards the east and with the penetration of other geopolitical factors towards Europe.
While from the west we have tremendous pressure to distance ourselves from Russia, on the other hand, the powerful Russian influence within Serbia dictates other directions. The European spirit in Serbia is still fragile and the young oligarchs, enriched by the wars, but also by business with Russia, are rather aligned with the Serbian clerical-nationalist camp.
The European forces in Serbia demand democratic changes and cooperation with the neighbors, recognition of the new reality and the common Euro-Atlantic path, while the Serbian and Russian Orthodox churches in cooperation are committed to reconfiguring the Balkans according to Serbian interests, within the so-called project of Serbia Big, formulated two centuries ago in the expansive and nationalist Serbian political program called "Nacertania" by author Ilija Grashanin, whom Prime Minister Kurti mentioned in the UNSC as the ideologue of Serbian President Vucic, not without reason.
Is the Serbian president with the West or with Russia? Is the Serbian president for Greater Serbia or for European Serbia, which would have to lead a completely different regional policy if it aimed at Europe? Of course, it's hard to say for sure. One thing is certain, some big players are trying to ride the horse of Serbian clerical-nationalism which is currently the biggest political power in Serbia.
Are there still dilemmas as to where the Serbian Orthodox Church is going in this two-way pressure on Serbia?
Are Prime Minister Kurti's accusations about official Serbian politics guided by Ilija Grashanin's program sustainable?
There is no doubt that the president of Serbia is mobilizing the Serbs around this program, which in essence tends to be strengthened by distancing itself from the Russian and German factors, in an effort to dominate the region.
The "Greater Serbia" project is not analogous to a Serbia in the Russian orbit, as most think, but rather the format of a unitary Yugoslavia (plus Albania), dominated by Serbia and neutral in relation to the EU and Russia, but instead of the formula neither with these nor with them, President Vucic is trying the formula with these and with them, and here is the point of his rapprochement with the Hungarian Prime Minister Orban.
Such a project, which was recently tried under the name "Open Balkan", which Edi Rama recently gave up, does not bring peace to the region nor does it enable the European integration of the countries of the Western Balkans.
Whether Vucic consciously or unconsciously fails to understand that there are several circumstances that make it impossible for him to be a Serbian Tito, and these are: the dead ideology of self-governing socialism and Serbian ambitions for dominance in the region, which he no longer no one accepts.
Vučić's dream of replacing Tito and reviving Unitary Yugoslavia is impossible as such. This was proven by the 30-year history of wars and efforts for peace in the Balkans./ Pamphlet
Lini një Përgjigje