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Shkruar nga Linas Jegelevicius
The human toll of the war in Ukraine is staggering. 48-year-old Lithuanian Aleksej Zanemanski, a former businessman, is fighting an uphill battle for the right to live with the Russian woman he loves unconditionally.
The couple met while on vacation in 2019 and fell in love at first sight. Liliya (name changed at the couple's request) is a Muslim Tatar, originally from a small Siberian village.
They got married in Vilnius in 2023, but due to strict EU entry restrictions for Russians, the newlyweds took a big step to travel to the Lithuanian capital: from Tyumen to Moscow, then to Istanbul and on to Berlin, from where Alexei took his wife home to Lithuania.
Despite their long-term relationship and the evidence presented, the Lithuanian authorities – the Migration Department and the courts – do not want to see the woman in the country, claiming that someone who worked, even in a low-level position, for a Russian bank in Russia many years ago could pose a threat to Lithuania's national security, as she could have been exploited by Russian intelligence. Without hesitation, the Migration Department told Aleksei: "If you want to live with your wife, move to Russia."
In one of the recent court hearings, he was shocked by intrusive personal questions from the department official.
"Were you her first man? I mean, did she lose her virginity to you?" Zanemanski was asked, to which he stammered "yes, I was," before the official continued: "Do you have any proof of that?"
Some of his friends turned their backs on him, telling him that because of the war in Ukraine, he should have a "patriotic" marriage - to a Lithuanian or Ukrainian woman, but not a Russian one.
“I can't believe this is happening here, in a free country, Lithuania,” Zanemanski told bne IntelliNews.
It is clearly a bad time to have anything to do with Russia or Russians. While it is widely accepted that the Baltic states, located near Russia — a country embroiled in a series of hybrid wars against countries in the former Soviet region — should remain vigilant and prepared for any eventuality, some argue that the three small countries may have gone too far in restricting the rights of their local Russian-speaking populations.
When the numerous cemeteries of Soviet soldiers killed in World War II, as well as the monuments and obelisks that commemorated them, were destroyed in the three Baltic states, few questioned the morality of the demolitions.
Then there are the offensive and hostile anti-Russian slogans that abound on the doors and walls of Vilnius bar toilets. Many of them smear all Russians, not just Putin.
Ironically, the Russian language is being replaced by other languages in local schools, challenging the new Baltic reality – with the influx of over 230,000 Ukrainians, most of whom speak Russian, the three countries have never been so exposed to the Russian language.
"The line between actions guided by logic and those driven by fear or panic often seems blurry to me," a Lithuanian lawmaker told bne IntelliNews on condition of anonymity.
In the first eight months of 2024, citing national security concerns, the Lithuanian Migration Department rejected nearly 36,000 applications for residence and work permits from foreigners and canceled 11,500 temporary residence permits, which is 3.3 times more than in the same period in 2023.
According to the Lithuanian State Security Department (SSD), Russian intelligence activities have reached their highest levels since the country regained independence. Belarusian and Chinese intelligence services are also active in the region.
Elimination of Russian language and culture
The authorities' actions have led to speculation that some political hawks are using the war as a means to eliminate the Russian language and culture from Lithuania.
Dmitrij Ikonikov, a councilor of Visaginas municipality in northeastern Lithuania, which has a large Russian minority, told bne IntelliNews: “I believe that many things point to this issue. Whether it is the attempt to eliminate Russian from our schools or the refusal to allow Russian singers regardless of their views to perform in Lithuania, the display of anti-Russian slogans and offensive graffiti in our public places is flawed and extreme.”
Last September, in a YouTube chat with Vytautas Sinica of the right-wing Lithuanian National Alliance party, Algis Ramanauskas, a famous TV presenter and producer, made hostile comments about Russian speakers and those involved in Russian culture, suggesting that they should be "deprived of their children."
There was a backlash after that, and he apologized. It was one of the rare cases when Lithuanian authorities reacted. Ramanauskas' comments were condemned by Viktorija Cmilyte-Nielsen, the then speaker of the Lithuanian parliament, and then-Justice Minister Ewelina Dobrowolska.
“It is clear, over the past 10 years, our youth has had the narrative that everything Russian is inherently evil instilled in them. So yes, to be honest, we are witnessing various manifestations of Russophobia in the country. But it is nothing new, as historically, during times of fire, certain groups of the population – not only in Lithuania – have faced increased pressure, danger and even annihilation,” Ikonikov said.
Voting ban
Estonia's ruling coalition, made up of the center-right liberal Reform Party, the center-left Social Democrats (SDE) and the liberal Eesti 200 party, is seeking to ban non-citizens from voting in local elections, which are scheduled for October 2025.
Legally, this would affect any permanent resident who arrives in Estonia from outside the EU. However, the main targets are Russian and Belarusian passport holders, who number about 83,000. They belong to a Russian-speaking minority that makes up almost a quarter of Estonia's population of 1.4 million.
The recently published report "Race Discrimination in Estonia 2024" by Estonia's Commissioner for Equality, Christian Veske, sheds light on the challenges faced by non-white individuals living in Estonia. These issues include exclusion, insults, microaggressions, and instances of discrimination in public spaces, workplaces, and even within state and local institutions, often affecting Russian speakers.
In addition to rejecting her request, Lithuanian authorities imposed a five-year entry ban on his wife for the same reasons - a threat to public order and national security. If she attempts to enter Lithuania on a Schengen visa from another EU country, she could face up to two years in prison. / Adapt Pamphlet /
Lini një Përgjigje