FLASH
Shkruar nga Clare Nuttall
However, not all nationalist leaders in Europe, who hoped to be treated favorably by the new US administration, have seen their expectations fulfilled.
In the first 50 days of Donald Trump’s inauguration as US President, there have been some clear winners. Russian President Vladimir Putin is no doubt pleased not only with Trump’s withdrawal of support for Ukraine and verbally bashing its president Volodymyr Zelensky, but more broadly with the subversion of the international order and the severing of US ties with its traditional allies.
Elsewhere in Europe, some right-wing leaders also seem pleased. Refusing to endorse a joint EU statement on continued support for Ukraine at a March 6 summit, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban announced that Budapest is in talks on an economic cooperation package with the new US administration.
There has also been rhetorical support for other politicians in the region. Billionaire Elon Musk, whom Trump has appointed to head the US Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), has expressed support on social media for far-right Romanian politician Calin Georgescu, who was recently barred from running in May's presidential election.
In Poland, Musk attacked Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski, calling him a "little man" in a dispute over Ukraine's use of the Starlink satellite system. Musk's reaction was followed by warm greetings from Sikorski's political opponents.
However, not all nationalist leaders in Europe, who hoped to be treated favorably by the new US administration, have seen their expectations fulfilled.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Milorad Dodik, the president of the Serb entity, Republika Srpska, has escalated his secessionist efforts after being convicted by a Bosnian court of defying the top representative of the international community. His party, the ruling SNSD of Republika Srpska, responded by passing laws that ban Bosnian state bodies, including the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council, the Prosecutor’s Office, and the State Investigation and Protection Agency (SIPA), from operating in the Serb entity.
Before Trump returned to the White House, speculation was rife that his presidency would embolden Serbian nationalists, as he was seen in the region as friendly to both Russia and Serbia. Dodik seems to have done everything he could to make a good impression on Trump. He even wore a red MAGA hat to celebrate the Republican candidate's election victory.
A few weeks after Trump's return, the Bosnian Serb politician wrote on an X "Donald Trump - A leader who brings peace and stability to the world."
However, if Dodik had counted on US support for the secession of Republika Srpska from Bosnia and eventual unification with Serbia, he has been disappointed. He has not even been successful in convincing the US to lift sanctions against him. In fact, while Dodik was organizing a party in honor of Trump's election victory, the US Treasury Department imposed a new package of sanctions against his associates.
Overall, Washington's response to Dodik's actions has been critical rather than supportive, with Rubio accusing Dodik of "dangerous and destabilizing behavior" and showing no sign of supporting his idea of secession.
“The actions of the President of Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, are undermining the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina and threatening its security and stability. Our nation encourages political leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina to engage in constructive and responsible dialogue. We call on our partners in the region to join us in pushing back against this dangerous and destabilizing behavior,” Rubio wrote on X, as the situation in Bosnia deteriorated.
The US Embassy reinforced this stance, condemning the adoption by Republika Srpska of "unconstitutional and anti-Dayton laws".
"Let us be clear - this is a deliberate provocation to the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina and poses a direct threat to its stability and security, as well as to US strategic objectives," the embassy said.
"War Party" vs. "Peace Party"
Like Dodik, Georgia’s ruling Georgian Dream party has sought to forge closer ties with the Trump administration. Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze expressed his support for Trump, wishing him “steadfastness and courage” after the February 28 clash at the White House between Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Zelensky. Kobakhidze described the dispute as a contest between what he called the “party of war,” represented by Zelensky and his supporters, and the “party of peace,” led by Trump.
The Georgian prime minister has also sought to view the ongoing clash between his government and anti-government protesters as a battle between pro-Trump forces and a "collective" that opposes the Trump administration's peace initiatives in Ukraine.
His opponents want a rerun of the October 2024 general elections that are widely considered to have been rigged in favor of Georgian Dream and for the government to resume EU accession negotiations.
Qeveria gjeorgjiane është gjithnjë e më shumë në konflikt me BE-në dhe ka demonstruar afërsinë e saj ideologjike me Amerikën e Trump, për shembull duke miratuar ndryshime në Ligjin për Barazinë Gjinore që eliminoi përkufizimin ligjor të "gjinisë", menjëherë pas urdhrit ekzekutiv të SHBA-së 14168 të titulluar "Mbrojtja e grave nga ideologjia gjinore". Çështjet gjinore janë një temë popullore për të djathtët në Europën në zhvillim.
Pavarësisht këtyre hapave, megjithatë, ka pasur pak indikacione për mbështetje nga Uashingtoni. Në vend të Kobakhidze apo themeluesit të Ëndrrës Gjeorgjiane Bidzina Ivanishvili, ishte ish-presidentja Salome Zourabichvili – një kritike e zëshme e partisë në pushtet dhe një mbështetëse e protestave antiqeveritare – që mori një ftesë në inaugurimin e Trump.
Ndërkohë, Senati i SHBA po përgatitet të marrë në konsideratë Aktin “Megobari’, një projekt-ligj dypartiak që propozon sanksione kundër zyrtarëve të Ëndrrës Gjeorgjiane për shkelje të dyshuara të të drejtave të njeriut dhe hapa pas në proceset demokratike. Akti i mandaton agjencitë qeveritare amerikane që t'i raportojnë Kongresit mbi operacionet e inteligjencës ruse dhe evazionin e sanksioneve në Gjeorgji.
Trajtim i pabarabartë
Një teori për trajtimin e pabarabartë të liderëve evropianë të vendeve në zhvillim nga administrata Trump është se ndërsa Trump kërkon të sigurojë një fitore të politikës së jashtme duke i dhënë fund luftës së Ukrainës, çështja e ndezur ndërkombëtare e tre viteve të fundit, konfliktet në vendet më të vogla si Bosnja dhe Gjeorgjia thjesht nuk janë në axhendën e tij.
Një tjetër hipotezë e vazhdueshme – e mbështetur nga tërheqja e papritur e tij e mbështetjes për Ukrainën dhe sulmi ndaj Zelensky në Shtëpinë e Bardhë – është se politikat e Trump përputhen me interesat ruse, duke ringjallur spekulimet për lidhjet e tij të mundshme me Moskën. Zhvendosja radikale e Trump në politikën e jashtme të SHBA – e cila jo vetëm që braktis Ukrainën, por gjithashtu ekspozon vendet e tjera evropiane ndaj agresionit të mundshëm rus – vetëm sa ka nxitur spekulime të tilla.
Një shpjegim i tretë është se Trump po mbështet përfitimet e prekshme tregtare. Mbështetja e administratës së tij për një marrëveshje për tokat e rralla me Ukrainën sugjeron një qasje transaksionale ndaj politikës së jashtme.
Në të kundërt, as Bosnja dhe as Gjeorgjia nuk zotërojnë burime të rëndësishme natyrore, as nuk përputhen me Hungarinë apo Rumaninë për sa i përket fuqisë ekonomike brenda rajonit të Evropës në zhvillim.
Supporting Dodik would create the risk of another Balkan war, a messy and potentially very bloody scenario that would benefit no one. On the business side, it would complicate the interests associated with Trump’s inner circle. His son-in-law Jared Kushner, through his investment firm Affinity Partners, has explored large real estate ventures in both Serbia and Albania – a development that would be jeopardized by regional instability.
What Trump fans in Bosnia or Georgia have to offer is simply not enough to tempt the American president to support them. / Adapted Pamphlet from IntellNews /
Lini një Përgjigje