Trump is ending the year isolated, unpopular, and with a coalition that is tearing itself apart from within. Paradoxically, he has his own share of the credit for this. Arrogance, tariffs that hit the pockets of citizens, have tarnished his once formidable image. However, he remains dangerous, especially now that he feels trapped in a "corner of the ring." He could lead us to a war with Venezuela without giving any explanation...
This year has been a chilling challenge for anyone who sees clearly the “kakistocracy” of Donald Trump. He returned to power with a new fury, surrounded by servile “barons” of technology, creating the impression that he had at his command not only the institutions but also the very spirit of our time.
Since then, we have seen a never-ending parade of nightmares: masked, armed men patrolling the streets, immigrants being herded into horrific prisons in El Salvador, and corruption so brazen it would dwarf even the world's most ruthless dictators.
Equally shocking was the silent capitulation of many leaders in business, law, and the media. Trying to grasp the extent of the civic collapse of the United States in just the past 11 months is almost impossible. It is like trying to grasp the vastness of the black holes in the Universe.
And yet, as 2025 draws to a close, a glimmer of hope has begun to appear on the horizon. This change has come not from the elites, but from millions of ordinary people who have refused to bow to the blackmail of this administration.
When Trump began his second term, there was talk everywhere that resistance to him had died down. If that was true once, it is no longer true today. This year marked some of the most massive protests in American history.
Amanda Litman, who runs the organization "Run for Something," says there is a huge interest from progressive young people to get involved in local politics, and it is even going beyond the early years of Trump's first term.
Even in Indiana, where Republicans significantly dominate, lawmakers rebelled under voter pressure and refused to obey the MAGA movement's orders to rig the electoral districts.
"Trump may have inflicted wounds that will hurt for generations, but he has not succeeded in holding power with an iron fist ," says Lea Grinberg of the group "Indivisible."
According to her, this obstacle did not come from high institutions or political leaders, but from the courage of ordinary people who refused to become part of a fascist order. If we look back, we can clearly distinguish the moments when this turn began.
One of them was the Wisconsin Supreme Court race in April. Elon Musk, then deeply involved in “government efficiency” plans, considered this race vital and spent over $20 million to win it.
But voters responded massively, and his candidate lost embarrassingly by more than 10 percentage points. After this blow, Musk began to gradually retreat, creating the first major rift between the world's richest man and the US president.
In June, the military parade that Trump wanted to use as a show of force failed miserably. At the same time, chants of “No Kings!” took over the squares with a vigor not seen in a long time. A little later, the assassination of Charlie Kirk was used as a means to silence critics.
When Disney tried to censor comedian Jimmy Kimmel after pressure from the Trump administration, the public reaction was swift: a wave of cancellations of Disney+ and Hulu services forced them to back down.
This was proof that America does not give in easily to censorship. Although Trump has tried to turn the Justice Department into a personal tool, his plans have stalled with judges and, above all, with “Grand Juries.”
These citizen juries twice refused to indict prosecutor Leticia James, whom the administration attacked without evidence. Similarly, when the system tried to severely convict Sean Dunn for a minor incident during a protest, juries refused to bow to the prosecutors' will.
Even Jeanine Pirro, whom Trump appointed as prosecutor in Washington, failed 3 times in a row to secure political indictments, as the people on the jury refused to become "rubber stamps" of power.
Of course, these juries were in liberal areas, but the fact that the people are exercising control over the government is a living sign of democracy.
As Jan Basin of Protect Democracy says, this shows that citizens are not ready to give up their freedom. Trump is ending the year isolated, unpopular, and with a coalition
that is being torn apart from within. The Democrats' victories in November and their return to school boards show that the conservative tide is receding.
Paradoxically, the credit for this goes to Trump himself. His arrogance, tariffs that hit citizens' pockets, and mockery of people's everyday concerns have dulled his once formidable image. However, he remains dangerous, especially now that he feels trapped in a "corner of the ring."
He can lead us into a war with Venezuela without giving any explanation, but his “magic” seems to be disappearing. I do not believe that America will end up like Orbán’s Hungary. And this is not because the highest institutions saved us, but because ordinary Americans refused to be afraid. / Adapted from “Pamphlet”, taken from “New York Times”
Genje, genje se dicka do te besohet. Media majtiste. Te majtes nuk i a ka pare kush hajrin
Ore kuluf injorant qe je infektuar nga sllogani e majta dhe e djathta. E majta gjoja quhet linja socialiste-komuniste Staliniste dhe e djathja gjoja fashi-nazizmi Hitlerian. Kush eshte e mira me e keqe dhe e keqja me e mire? Nje mut te dyja. Per te mbuluar mutin me shurre klasat sunduese kane shpikur slloganin majtas e djashtas. Luftrat, sherret e gjakderdhjet ne bote gjithnje i kane hapur oligharket e pangopur te cdo ngjyre. Po t'i lash syte cdo mengjes do te te filtrohet shikimi.