FLASH
Shkruar nga Skënder Minxhozi
The dangerous direction that the investigations against a long list of politicians were taking, including not only concrete accusations but also their property investigation, marked the tipping point for the oldest of them, Sali Berisha and his ally Ilir Meta.
Sali Berisha urgently gathered the journalists after the file of the Partizani club was released from the doors of SPAK. It is clear that the confrontation with facts is approaching, not with speeches and rallies, with judges and prosecutors and not with political opponents in the halls of the Assembly. And Berisha's tone is that of a person who feels the seriousness of the moment in which he is with his son-in-law and others. After more than nine months of house arrest and several years of investigations, the challenge between the Berisha family and the special prosecutor's office will go to court.
The extraction of justice files from the lane of investigation and judgment, to rallies, political war and quarrels between parties, are a non-Albanian phenomenon. You find today in America, in the largest democratic country in the world, a candidate for president who does not recognize the elections, who attacks the parliament and who has about 90 accusations of all kinds from the US justice bodies, and yet he continues the race for president.
Here in our country, right from the first steps of Spak's investigations against the exponents of the opposition, Berisha, Meta and others around them branded the special prosecutor's office and Altin Duman as a "structured criminal group" and many other similar epithets. The dangerous direction that the investigations against a long list of politicians were taking, including not only concrete accusations but also their property investigation, marked the tipping point for the oldest of them, Sali Berisha and his ally Ilir Meta.
Partizan's file reveals to us in the most open and why not cynical way, that the method of investigation of what is called the new justice did not remain only within the object of the initial accusation, but was immediately extended to the property investigation. This seems to be a methodology used regularly by the special prosecutor's office in many cases until today and this is a very sensitive element in the long battle of SPAK-GJKKO on one side and the politics of high Albanian officials on the other.
What is revealed to us in the 500 pages of the Berisha file is a multitude of facts, figures, concrete circumstances, some of them from many years ago, events seemingly unrelated to the official and political function as well as to the file under review, but more to life. private and family, where capital, lek, property appear everywhere.
SPAK has put a lot of meat on the fire. It remains to be seen whether he has hit the mark with the endless multitude of details, figures and transactions that he has brought against the Berisha family. It seems a difficult undertaking for this to happen in its entirety, since the prosecutors have built a huge forest of facts and data where even the lord of the forest can get lost.
However, this is only of relative importance in relation to the general phenomenon, that of the wealth examination of the political careers that have governed us in the last three decades. What stands out once again more clearly than ever is that today we are assisting not in an accusatory file against a high official, but in a major act of vetting and in-depth analysis of the wealth of this politician. In fact, the most powerful politicians of the Albanian transition.
Veting, hidden behind the initial files with x or y accusations, is the method SPAK is using to catch the Albanian political class by surprise. And when it comes to money, the way it has moved, the amount, the hands it has traveled, the procedures it has used and the end product it has created - in this vast web of wealth and interests that money has created, it is difficult to come out clean. if investigated. Even the Pope himself would be corrupt!
Spak has rung a bell that until yesterday was forbidden to ring. We had ILDKPI and other institutions that should have stopped the money earned through the corruption of the leading elites, but they all failed. And they failed for a single reason: because if they had been efficient and rigorous, we would no longer have this political class that we have! It's that simple. Perhaps Spak has made the decision to be effective where others have failed for 33 years. If so, this would be the beginning of the end of the Albanian transition as we have known it for as long as we can remember.
Lini një Përgjigje