
To get rid of the other danger, Fatos Nanon, Berisha found another solution. He decided to put him in prison.
A few months after being elected President, in late 1992 and early 1993, Sali Berisha began to see two opponents as serious threats to his power. They were the opposition leader Fatos Nano and Azem Hajdari, the former a contender for prime minister, as he later did, while the latter enjoyed 'frightening' support among the democrats and was undoubtedly a shadow contender to one day take over the leadership of the DP. To keep Azem Hajdari under control, Berisha specifically engaged the head of the notorious SHIK, Bashkim Gazidede, to eavesdrop and monitor him from start to finish.
On September 22, 1992, Azem Hajdari publicly complained in Parliament that Bashkim Gazidede, Berisha's undercover agent, was eavesdropping on him.
Later, Berisha expelled Azem from the Democratic Party and the Democratic parliamentary group, accusing him of being a spy. On the other hand, the newspaper of the DP, as a result of Berisha, calls Azem Hajdari a miserable clown of Albanian politics who leads a bunch of ordinary, divisive, failed and compares him to a gambler. Berisha would only breathe freely when Azem Hajdari was executed in the courtyard of the Democratic Party, on September 12, 1998. Since that day, Berisha calls Azem a tribune of democracy, while his death, he used to take power, through the August of the state of September 14, 1998.
To get rid of the other danger, Fatos Nano, Berisha found another solution. He decided to put him in prison. Initially, as soon as he took power, Berisha tried to isolate Fatos Nano, hitting him with the police and SHIK, banning rallies, the right to speak in the Assembly and participation in parliamentary delegations. In early 1993, he began implementing the scenario to put him in prison.
First move
On April 14, 1993, the parliamentary group of the Democratic Party, under the control of Berisha, summoned the head of the Supreme State Audit Office, Mr. Blerim Çela, for an interpellation to provide clarification on an issue published in the media "about abusive actions and speculation by the companies "Levante Co" and "Iliria Holding" regarding the provision of Italian government aid to Albania."
On April 27, 1993, Blerim Çela appeared in Parliament. According to Blerim Çela, in November 1990, Farudin Hoxha, on behalf of the Economic Cooperation Committee, concluded an agreement with Ajdin Sejdina, presented as the president of the company “Iliria Holding”, for the exercise of activity in Albania. “Farudin Hoxha created the conditions for Ajdin Sejdina to bring to Albania Giuseppe Perniola, the president of the Italian company “Levante Co”, an Italian-Yugoslav company, which was involved in the delivery and theft of Italian aid allocated for the emergency”.
The accusations against Nano
Fatos Nano was accused of having authorized Ajdin Sejdija to prepare negotiations with various companies for oil processing. "In addition to the above, Fatos Nano, in his capacity as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Shkëlqim Cani, as Deputy Prime Minister, have committed other violations to favor the firm "Iliria Holding". Nano, despite all the signals he has received about Ajdin Sejdija's personality, has not taken any measures to clarify him, but on the contrary, has continued to support him", says Blerim Çela.
Regarding aid, Blerim Çela said that "The lists of goods according to the funds allocated by the Italian government must necessarily be specified by the State Planning Commission, the Ministry of Foreign Trade and the Ministry of Internal Trade, charged with this task, which recognized and were legally responsible for meeting the people's needs with food goods, in cooperation with the Ministry of Finance and the State Bank. Former President Ramiz Alia and former Prime Minister Fatos Nano, outside their functions and violating the laws and powers of the organizations charged with foreign trade, designated and dictated the firm from which the goods would be purchased. The authorities have intentionally accepted extremely high prices, dictated by selling firms, above those of the market, as the path and source to create speculative profits...".
Nano's attitude
Fatos Nano declared in the Assembly, that "From the beginning, I want to declare before the Albanian Parliament and through it to the entire people, with full personal, civil, civic and political responsibility, that the pseudo-accusations and slanders presented by the material of Blerim Çela and company are nothing more than a staged political-electoral montage, with evil and low intentions to liquidate and limit the political, even physical freedom of the Socialist Party, its Chairman and the real opposition in today's Albania. Therefore, I call on the authors of this scenario to do their calculations correctly. This soup cooked in the anti-Albanian kitchen and the lobbies connected to them and that use Blerim Çela and the people who are being peeled from this hall as a mash, like "Shwejk" soldiers, can only emit a foul smell but that, unfortunately, not only Mr. Blerim Çela has swallowed. With impudence and political and professional deficiency, Blerim and his team, dropped the smoke bomb of the corruption of Fatos Nano and his government."
Blerim Çela appears again
Deputetët e PD sjellin sërish Blerim Çelën në Kuvend në 30 qershor 1993, për të shtjelluar më tej akuzat ndaj Nanos. “Më jepni kompetenca të tjera, t’i ushtrojë kompetencat. Kaq sa më keni dhënë, po i bëj. Prandaj, të mos kërkohet ajo që nuk bëhet. Më kapin njerëzit: fute Fatos Nanon në burg! Nuk e fut Fatos Nanon Kontrolli i Shtetit në burg, Kontrolli i Shtetit e ka denoncuar, hetuesia ta futë në burg tani, në qoftë se vërtetohen ato që thotë kontrolli i shtetit. Por të gjitha janë të dokumentuara katërçipërisht”, thotë ndër të tjera Çela.
Në lojë futet kryeprokurori Alush Dragoshi
Pas Blerim Çelës, në lojë futet kryeprokurori i atëhershëm Alush Dragoshi, një besnik që Berisha e përdorte si kamxhik jo vetëm ndaj kundërshtarëve politikë, por edhe ndaj figurave të PD-së, të cilët për t’i mbajtur në rresht, u hapte herë pas here dosje penale. Me shkresën nr. 1117, datë 26.07.1993, Alush Dragoshi i kërkon Kuvendit që t’i heqë imunitetin deputetit Fatos Nano, me argumentin se “mbi bazën e materialit kallëzues të dërguar nga Shërbimi i Kontrollit të Shtetit në datën 06.05.1993, Prokuroria e Rrethit Tiranë ka filluar çështjen penale për krimin e shpërdorimit të detyrës, parashikuar nga neni 106 i Kodit Penal”.
Në kërkesën e tij, Alush Dragoshi thotë se “Si nga materiali kallëzues dhe hetimet e zhvilluara del se nga livrimi i ndihmave të dhëna për vendin tonë nga qeveria italiane për periudhën që ka qenë në detyrën e Kryeministrit Fatos Nano, është shkaktuar një dëm i rëndësishëm ekonomik në shumën 8 miliardë e 433 milionë e 064 mijë e 836 lekë. Në ardhjen e kësaj pasoje, krahas përgjegjësisë që kanë edhe personat e tjerë, del se ka përgjegjësi penale edhe deputeti Fatos Nano, i cili, me veprimet e mosveprimet e kundërligjshme, ka shpërdoruar detyrën, duke kryer veprën penale të parashikuar nga neni 106 i Kodit Penal, si dhe ka falsifikuar dokumente zyrtare, vepër penale kjo e parashikuar nga neni 110 i Kodit Penal”.
Kuvendi mblidhet menjëherë
Po atë ditë, pra në 26 korrik 1993, Kuvendi i kontrolluar nga Sali Berisha mblidhet për të diskutuar për kërkesën e kryeprokurorit Alush Dragoshi për t’i hequr imunitetin Nanos. Deputeti Arben Imami kërkon kohë pasi Komisioni i Mandateve sapo ishte njohur me materialin. Kuvendi u mblodh sërish të nesërmen, me datë 27 korrik 1993. Në këtë seancë, deputeti socialist Namik Dokle mban një qëndrim të fortë.
Dokle shprehet se “Në datën 26 korrik, pas një fushate të paskrupullt politike kundër Partisë së opozitës dhe liderit të saj Fatos Nano, të organizuara nga një klan revanshist partiako-qeveritar i PD-së, pas një presioni antiligjor dhe antidemokratik mbi drejtësinë, u arrit që të formulohej kërkesa për heqjen e imunitetit të deputeti Fatos Nano. Makinacioni politik duket qartë edhe në veprimtarinë e ngutshme të komisionit, pa i dhënë aspak kohë atij që të procedojë sipas rregullores së Kuvendit Popullor.
After Idajet Beqiri, this is the second case that a party leader is persecuted by the political-police and judicial means of a state with openly totalitarian and neo-dictatorial characteristics, while the official press of the DP has begun to formulate threats against other political opponents….. President Berisha, at the head of the blue DP, directs and observes how the rule of law and democracy is being destroyed, receiving the congratulations and rewards of the secret scoundrels, whom he serves faithfully…”.
Berisha-controlled parliament lifts Nano's immunity
Arben Imami spoke on behalf of the Mandates Committee, who spoke against the lifting of Nano's immunity, dismissing the accusations as unsupported by evidence. However, the majority of deputies voted to lift Fatos Nano's immunity. With this decision, the Assembly paved the way for his arrest. The date was July 27, 1993.
Nano is arrested after three days
On July 30, 1993, three days after the Parliament's decision to lift his immunity, the prosecution arrested Fatos Nano. On August 2, 1993, the SP parliamentary group, considering Nano's arrest as political imprisonment, began signing a petition throughout the country for Nano's release. The petition was sent to diplomatic missions in Albania. Meanwhile, in August 1993, Fatos Nano wrote a letter from prison, declaring himself a political prisoner.
Nano sentenced to 12 years
Berisha wanted to keep Nano in prison at all costs. After the DP deputies, the head of the Supreme Audit Office Blerim Çela and Alush Dragoshi had done their job, it was now the turn of the judges. On April 3, 1994, Fatos Nano was sentenced to 12 years in prison. The appeal did not overturn the decision, but only reduced the sentence from 12 to 11 years. In 1995, Nano requested early release at the Court of Cassation. His request was rejected by Judge Vitore Tusha, today the President of the Constitutional Court.
Fatos Nano left the cell in 1997, after an amnesty. Later, Nano overturned the entire decision and process as illegal and political, was considered a political prisoner and received compensation for the years of imprisonment.
Lini një Përgjigje