Ilir Alimehmeti, thrown out by Berisha and massacred by Celibashi, remains the last case of hope among the electoral corpses of May 11. In Tirana, where the vote is cloned and the voter is tracked, even miracles need permission from the two directors of political crime: Rama and Berisha...
Doctor Ilir Alimehmeti is the only remaining case that can revive even a little hope in a terrain where the vote has disappeared and the will of the people has been buried by state protocol. On the mass grave of the May 11 votes, Ilirjan Celibashi, the self-proclaimed CEC arbitrator, wearing sterile gloves to leave no trace that tomorrow they will link him to the law, behaves like an institutional gravedigger who hears only the silent groan of stolen ballots and cloned mandates.
In this political landscape, simple villagers, victims of an institutionally elaborate massacre, look towards Tirana with the absurd hope that perhaps, on the grave covered with propaganda, some corpse will move. And if there is a living person buried, it is Ilir Alimehmeti, who surprisingly was not eliminated by his political opponent, but from within his party, by Sali Berisha himself.
The miracle only began to take shape when the Complaints and Sanctions Commission at the CEC finally agreed to open the Tirana ballot boxes, which Ilirjan Celibashi had kept closed, refusing a basic democratic right, that of a vote recount. Hope, although breathless, hangs between the delayed recount and the awareness that this battle is not just one candidate's, but is the battle of all those who want to revive faith in the elections.
For a month now, the Tirana scene has remained the site of an electoral crime, where the vote is neither an election nor a representation, but a worthless sheet filled with traces of patronage and party algorithms. The melting of the 34-year-old ice has highlighted what many had understood, but had not accepted: Edi Rama and Sali Berisha are not competing, but co-governing a system built on fraud and total control.
In this reality similar to digital dictatorships, the method of cloning MPs also works systematically: voter data, preferences, family ties, everything is known, analyzed and managed. Immigrants also voted, but not as a free act, but as a vote obtained through blackmail, pressure or simply technical manipulation.
Everything resembles a dangerous game, orchestrated by two old directors; Rama and Berisha, who know exactly who turns on the camera, who will be the victim, and who will come out alive. This is a scene with electoral corpses, without security tape and without courageous prosecutors.
Before we close the curtain on the Ilir Alimehmet case, the big doubt remains: is there anything alive left among the dead votes and cloned mandates? / Pamphlet
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