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Rajoni dhe Bota2023-06-27 19:22:00

Who should be the next Secretary General of NATO?

Shkruar nga Pamfleti

Who should be the next Secretary General of NATO?

Most of those privileged to hold NATO's highest civilian post have enjoyed a very smooth ride over the years. Their tenure as Secretary General of NATO largely coincided with maintaining strategic stability and a well-tested military approach throughout the Cold War.

Later, they were asked to extend a hand of friendship to the new democracies that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Yet during the 2020s, a decade that is likely to represent one of the most challenging periods in NATO's 74-year history, the successor to acting Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg will face a serious task in leading a alliance of 31 countries and the collective protection of over 1 billion people. The leader of the alliance has little executive power. But as the face and voice of NATO, he or she has a very weighty public role. Especially now that Russia is waging a war in Europe and when democracies are constantly under attack from state-sponsored disinformation campaigns seeking to change public consciousness.

Stoltenberg, a Norwegian, has done an admirable job of holding the alliance together during the crisis, is trying to reach a wider audience, especially young people. The NATO Youth Summit held on June 5 is an attempt to address this issue.

However, Stoltenberg has demonstrated a successful managerial approach suited to dealing with some of the challenges of the previous decade, including Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea and invasion of Ukraine, a chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan and the admission of several members of the young people.

But the challenges of the next decade will be even greater, and NATO must be bold when deciding who should succeed Stoltenberg by the end of this year. At the helm, a highly skilled communicator is required to rally political, diplomatic and military factions around a common vision.

Also, he or she must be able to carry out a series of institutional reforms necessary to remain steadfast and united against Russian military aggression and hybrid threats, while adapting to a new strategic threat environment in the Indo-Pacific and deploy disruptive technologies at the heart of NATO's operational capabilities.

The already difficult task of leading a broad alliance with diverse security interests and priorities is further complicated by the need for complete decision-making unanimity among its members.

Of course, in practice, the United States remains the leading member of NATO and the permanent holder of the most important operational role of Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR). Meanwhile, the primarily diplomatic role of Secretary-General is usually reserved for a European.

He has the unenviable task of dealing with a complex web of irritating actors and quite a few political games to meet a challenge that increasingly requires consensus (think Hungary and Turkey).

There is currently a field of credible candidates for the role, including Denmark's current prime minister Mette Frederiksen, who has emerged as an early favorite for the post and lobbied President Joe Biden during his visit to Washington on Monday.

As the leader of an average NATO country and potentially the first woman Secretary General in the alliance's history, Frederiksen is a popular choice for many. However, her candidacy would also mean a third consecutive Secretary-General coming from a Nordic country.

Moreover, none of them currently meets NATO's 2 percent spending target, or is considered a major player within the alliance. (Perhaps it is no coincidence that on May 29, her government announced an additional $2.59 billion in aid to Ukraine this year and next.

While other candidates boast similar leadership credentials to Frederiksen, there seems to be only one person who can combine brilliant political acumen and charisma with recent high-level defense experience and popularity that spans the entire alliance.

Si një ministër mbrojtjeje jetëgjatë i një vendi udhëheqës të NATO-s, që ka zbatuar një program të madh modernizimi në këtë sektor dhe që është i angazhuar ta tejkalojë objektivin prej 2 për qind, Ben Wallace duket i kualifikuar për t’i kryer reformat kryesore dhe për t’u përballur me sukses me sfidat e së ardhmes.

Kur Rusia grumbulloi forcat e saj para pushtimit të Ukrainës, Sekretari Britanik i Mbrojtjes ishte praktikisht përpara të gjitha figurave kryesore politike në thirrjen që i bëri Kremlini dhe në thirrjen e NATO-s për të reaguar. Ai është popullor dhe i respektuar në të dyja anët e Atlantikut, si në Ukrainë po ashtu edhe në Baltik, sepse ishte një nga ministrat e parë të mbrojtjes që ofroi ndihmë vdekjeprurëse për Ukrainën, dhe ka ofruar më shumë ndihmë ushtarake se çdo vend tjetër pas Shteteve të Bashkuara.

Ndërkohë Wallace ka gjithashtu një histori të fortë në mbështetjen e NATO-s, përfshirë kontributin e tij madhor në misionet e NATO-s, Prezencën e Përparuar të aleancës në krahun e saj lindor dhe zgjerimin e Forcave të Përbashkëta Ekspeditore prej 10 vendesh (JEF) miqësore me NATO-n, të udhëhequra nga Britania.

Po ashtu, ai ka integruar strategji dhe struktura të reja komanduese brenda Ministrisë britanike të Mbrojtjes, për t’iu përgjigjur kërcënimeve të ardhshme, duke filluar nga ndryshimet klimatike tek hapësira, dhe përvoja e tij si ushtarak i Ushtrisë Britanike gëzon respektin e kolegëve ushtarakë dhe politikë.

Në fakt, ai është i vetmi ministër i kabinetit aktual që mban të njëjtën detyrë për tre kryeministra radhazi të Mbretërisë së Bashkuar, pjesërisht falë popullaritetit në mesin e  kolegëve dhe partnerëve ndërkombëtarë.

Whoever succeeds Stoltenberg as NATO's new Secretary General must be equally adept at communicating with the outside world while recruiting new allies. However, he or she must above all feel comfortable leading a transformative agenda by taking on many of the interests that have sustained him or her for so long. It is a difficult mission, which NATO must carry out properly./ Bota.al-Center for European Policy Analysis

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